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Electing Justice: The JFP Interview with Justice Jim Kitchens

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Mississippi Supreme Court Justice Jim Kitchens is running for a second term on the state's highest court, where he has served for eight years.

Elections for Mississippi Supreme Court justice seats only come up every eight years, so when they do, the money pours in, PACs line up and partisan lines are drawn in the supposedly non-partisan sands. District 1, which contains Hinds, Madison and Rankin counties, as well as a swath of counties in the central part of the state, will elect a justice in November, and their choices are sitting Justice Jim Kitchens and Court of Appeals Judge Kenny Griffis, who is looking to make the jump to the state's highest court. Both candidates agreed to one-on-one interviews to offer insight into their lives, careers and philosophies. (Read Judge Griffis' interview here.)

Mississippi Supreme Court Justice Jim Kitchens will complete his first full eight-year term on the state's highest court this year. Before joining the court in 2008, Kitchens worked primarily as a civil and criminal trial lawyer in Copiah County, where he lives. Kitchens graduated from the University of Mississippi law school in 1967 and moved home to Crystal Springs to practice law. Kitchens ran for district attorney of Copiah, Lincoln, Walthall and Pike counties in 1971 and served in that role for a decade. Afterward, he went back into private practice, working on both sides of criminal and civil cases. He lives in Crystal Springs with his wife Mary.

What did you learn as a district attorney that influences your work now?

I learned probably that the two most important things in prosecution were, one, selectivity and, two, preparation. I learned not to be overly influenced by first impressions and (to) always look more thoroughly at a problem than what first meets the eye because so many things, especially in the criminal-justice field, are not as they appear to be at first glance. That's something I have taken with me all these years, and I try to see all sides of every problem.

I try to see what may explain what seems to be inexplicable, what seems to be something that happened that there seems to be no reason for, usually there is some reason for, so I try to delve deeply into legal questions and figure out the whys and what-fors of every problem. I'm very patient, and I've learned not to get in too much of a hurry when looking at legal problems.

What area of law did you practice when you went back into private practice?

At first I was doing general practice. I was down in Copiah County, and I did whatever came in the door, but as time went on, my practice developed more into a trial practice, and I've tried just about every kind of case there is.

One of the skills that I really honed in the district attorney's office was trial skills because a district attorney's office bore very little resemblance then to what it does now. I had no help. I finally got one assistant, but for a long time I had no assistant district attorney at all, no secretary, no investigator—it was just me. And I had four counties, and if I hadn't been young and energetic, I couldn't have done it.

So I say that to tell you that I've tried almost every case that was ever tried during that nine years. I learned how to try cases better than I had known before, and so people started coming to me and hiring me to try cases, and that's what I did most of the time I was in private practice. Eventually, I stopped doing some kinds of work (domestic, land rights cases). I just narrowed down to mostly civil and criminal trial practice.

I never stopped doing criminal work. A lot of my contemporaries wanted to get away from criminal work because (they) couldn't make much money out of it, but I enjoyed it. Criminal law has always been my favorite thing to do on either side. I was talking to a young district attorney the other day, and I said, "Look, if I lose this election, I might ask you for a job, I'd like to be an assistant DA again."

What made you want to run for the Supreme Court in 2008?

Well, I was persuaded to do it by a lot of lawyer friends and non-lawyer friends. There was a feeling that the Supreme Court was not well-balanced, that you got the same kind of result all the time. If you were on one side, you were always going to lose, and if you were on the other side, you were always going to win, so there was some truth to that. I didn't think Chief Justice James Smith was going to run again. I defeated the chief justice, and he had told me in 2000 that he was not going to run again in 2008.

What is role of the Mississippi Supreme Court, and the role a justice on that court?

The role of the Supreme Court is established in our Constitution, and it is an independent branch of government, the judiciary of which the Supreme Court is the ultimate court, and it's sort of the nerve center of the state judiciary. So our role is that of a court of last resort. That's what we do; we are the last place you can go in the judicial system of Mississippi. What we do has the potential and usually the reality of affecting every person in this state. The Legislature passes laws, and then we interpret those laws, and our interpretation of the law is binding upon everybody in the state, including the Legislature.

The individual justice's role is to make all that happen in an orderly and lawful manner. We are responsible for seeing that the rule of law prevails in Mississippi—not that we enforce laws. We don't do that, that's the executive branch's job. (We are responsible for) interpreting the laws in a consistent and usually in a predictable way, so that people can operate their businesses (and) can conduct their lives in a reasonable way, relying upon the courts of the state to keep things in due bounds, to keep things within the expected parameters that the public has a right to anticipate.

Could you discuss the role of the justice when you're writing opinions, partially concurring opinions, or dissents?

Many times what's a dissent today, next year or next decade, some justice may go back and harken back to some dissent that someone wrote years ago. The issues don't usually go away; legal issues keep recurring.

I write a fair number of dissents, and a lot of them are in criminal cases and civil cases as well, and I'm not just dissenting in order to be different or to be argumentative. I try to express myself in legally sound manners so I'm not just expressing my opinion. I find the precedent for what I'm saying in every instance, but dissents have a very significant place in our jurisprudence, and we have quite a few decisions that are closely divided: a lot of 5-4 decisions, 6-3 decisions, and we also have some that are more one-sided than that.

I guess really, I haven't done any kind of statistical analysis, but I think that you would find that most of our (Mississippi Supreme Court) decisions are unanimous. Sometimes you see 8-0s and 7-0s when somebody had to recuse for some reason.

Could you talk a little bit about being "tough on crime," a phrase you brought up at Neshoba, and discuss how you adjudicate crime fairly?

I think the term "tough on crime," that phrase as I think back over my recollection of it arose in a political context. And I'm being very historical here. The first person I ever remember having that as a campaign slogan was Ed Peters, in 1971. Ed Peters ran (for district attorney in Hinds County), and his slogan was "Let's Get Tough on Crime." Well, he got elected on that slogan, and I don't think anybody really stopped much to think about what that meant. It was a catchy slogan, and I've seen many campaigns built upon that premise. What I said at the Neshoba County Fair was almost a rebuttal of that theme, I think, because I don't like that theme.

I don't dislike being tough on people who have really committed heinous crimes and that kind of thing. It's the concept that especially a judge is going to be pre-disposed to be a certain way toward any kind of case. It's one thing for a prosecutor to say that, but it's another for a judge to say, "I'm going to be 'tough on crime.'"

In fact, I think it violates some of our judicial canons that we're supposed to adhere to. We're not supposed to say as judicial candidates how we would handle any kind of a case because you can't do that without pre-judging cases that you haven't even heard of, or cases that haven't occurred yet.

Being "tough on crime" is one thing to talk about, and it's another thing to have actually done it. I've tried death penalty cases, a lot of them on both sides. I've had to sign two death warrants, and these people were executed. It was my turn to do it. and I did it. I didn't back up from that when my turn to do it came. I have examined these death penalty cases so, so carefully because ... (of) all of the people who have been wrongfully convicted and served time, and some have been executed that shouldn't have been, and I have a horror of that happening to somebody (even) serving 15 minutes that they're not supposed to serve, let alone a long prison term or being executed.

I personally have met people who were wrongfully convicted and sentenced to death, and then were exonerated, and I just wonder how many have been executed that should have been exonerated and weren't, so I'm not very tough when it comes to that. I'm pretty soft. I am ever so afraid of casting a vote or not trying to dissuade the others on the court from casting a vote in questionable cases where somebody has been convicted and sentenced, especially to death, but any kind of sentence at all, even if you get probation, you're stigmatized for life. You have trouble getting a job; you can't vote for many crimes that you might be convicted of; there are so many consequences.

What about drug courts—do you support them?

I think that we have to be smart about the way we deal with crime, and we haven't been very smart. The war on drugs is the most dismal failure, the greatest war ever lost. I thought as a young prosecutor that we could prosecute the drug problem away, but in the early '70s, when I became a district attorney, the drug problem was in its infancy. It really hadn't progressed anywhere near where it is now, so we young prosecutors back then thought, "We can stop this, we can knock it in the head, we can incarcerate it away," and that was the dumbest thing in the world.

Of all the things that I have seen in response to the drug problem from the judicial system, the only one that's been worth anything is the drug court program. Some people have to be prosecuted and incarcerated, principally those in the commercial end of the drug business have to be put out of business and punished, and I'm all for that, but so often, even in drug-sales cases, it's one addict selling to another or, in many instances, just giving to another. You know the penalty can be just as harsh if I give you some crack than if I sell you some crack?

There's a range, and the judges can have some flexibility, but to barter, trade for something else, transfer, give it to you, deliver ... or to sell a controlled substance to another person, any of those things can generate the same penalty as any of the rest of them. Our controlled substances act, which was adopted pretty close to the time I became district attorney is patterned after the federal controlled substances act. Most of the language in it is federal language.

Do you think that they've progressed at all in terms of understanding what kids need to be in youth detention centers or not—and if you have ideas for alternatives?

I think progress has been made since when I was district attorney, when we had two training schools. We had Columbia training School and Oakley Training School, and Columbia has closed now. I think that judges are more savvy (about this) and better trained. We have a lot of good training of judges, and I think that training can only improve. There's more attention given to youth court than in the past, but it's still just dismally behind the times, and the options that we have for dealing with wayward children are not good.

We have very little in the way of mental-health treatment that's available publicly. Poverty is an underlying cause of so much juvenile misconduct and crime, and we are not dealing very well with that problem in our state. There are so many children that get caught up in the criminal-justice system, even the youth-court system, that are from severely disadvantaged homes and families, so you know, on balance, I guess we have made considerable progress, but as with almost everything in our state, we still have so far to go.

What's your take on campaign finance reform?

In both campaigns, I got people as treasurer of my campaign whom I trusted impeccably, and I told them, "Don't ever tell me where any of this money came from," and I told my sister-in-law (who ran his 2008 campaign), "You fill out the report, and I'm going to trust you to do it accurately, and I will sign it." I blindly reported my campaign finances in 2008. I have never to this day looked at my campaign finance reports or those of (other justices in that race).

Similarly in 2016, I've got my son, John, to be my campaign treasurer, and he has been told the same thing, and I've signed those reports, and I have not looked at them. I don't think about it much, but I have close friends and family members that are able to give money, and I suspect strongly that some of them have given, so those are typically people that I would in many of those instances, I would recuse myself if I had a case before me (with them involved) in the court, anyway.

So I don't look at Judge Griffis' campaign-finance reports. I don't know who gave him money. I know some entities that have endorsed him that I assume have given him money. I don't want to see it. Why? Because if I'm re-elected, a year from now, I don't want to be sitting up there on the bench in an oral argument or get a brief in my hand with some lawyer's name on it and say, "Oh, that lawyer gave to my campaign. I like that lawyer better than I do on the other side, consciously or subconsciously, so I just don't know." So what would be a better way of doing it than that? I think I know a better way to do it than that, and I have been advocating this for around 20 years, and nobody listens.

We should really have a blind system. I think we should have some legislation enabling this, or perhaps it could be done by court rules, but (it would) probably be better by legislation. To set up a system whereby, if I am running for judicial office in this state, I designate a campaign committee just as I do now, and then we have a system where, if you want to give to my campaign, you write a check to a judicial campaign-finance fund, and you designate it on your check to the Kitchens campaign—you don't mail that to my committee, and you certainly don't mail it to me.

We could set up a little office, and I think the most logical place to do this would be the state bar. They would have an account at a bank that is similar to a lawyer's trust account and so when they receive that check over there at the little office, they put that in that account, and then they immediately write a check out of that account to the Kitchens Campaign Committee, and they mail it down to Crystal Springs to my treasurer, and say, "Somebody has contributed $500 to Justice Kitchens's campaign," and our check in that amount is enclosed. And he doesn't know who it is, and the donor is prohibited by law, in my scheme of things, from ever telling me or hinting or implying in any way that he or she contributed to my campaign, and I'm prohibited by law from trying to find out who contributed to my campaign, and we ought to put some teeth in that law.

Interviews have been edited for clarity and length. Both judicial candidates will be on the ballot for the Nov. 8 election, if you live in Supreme Court District 1. For more political coverage visit jfp.ms/2016elections. Email state reporter Arielle Dreher at arielle@jacksonfreepress.com.


College Basketball Preview 2016: The Bigs

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I.J. Ready Photo courtesy MSU Athletics, Kelly Price

College football is entering the home stretch, the leaves have fallen from the trees, and the weather is beginning to stay cool. While it isn't quite time for the holiday season, you have reason to celebrate if you are a hoops fan.

The 2016-2017 college basketball gets underway as the calendar turns to November. A team's March hopes are just a dream on cold winter nights as the nonconference slate is played.

While basketball success has been limited the last few years in our state, hope springs eternal with each new season. This could be the year the stars align, and it becomes a special hoops season.

Jackson State University Tigers

Head coach: Wayne Brent (42-57 overall, fourth season at JSU)

2015-2016 season: 20-16 overall, 12-6 SWAC

Radio: 95.5 FM

Arena: Lee E. Williams Athletics and Assembly Center

Last Season Recap

The Tigers fell 54-53 in the championship game to Southern University in the SWAC Men's Basketball Tournament. But JSU didn't sit at home for the postseason like the rest of the Division I teams. Instead, the Tigers earned a bid into the CollegeInsider.com Postseason Tournament.

The Tigers won their first-round game 81-77 in overtime against Sam Houston State University. JSU saw its season end in a 64-54 loss to Grand Canyon University.

The Tigers went on a four-game winning streak three different times last season, and all three were done during, in large part, SWAC play. And the team never lost more than two in a row during conference play.

The winning season is the first since 2010-2011 and the first time the Tigers have won 20 games since the 2006-2007 season.

2016-2017 Season Outlook

Coach Wayne Brent spent two seasons laying the foundation for last year. The highlight might have been the team's 89-66 takedown of Southeastern Louisiana University during non-conference play.

The Tigers return guard Paris Collins and forward Chace Franklin from last year's squad. Collins averaged 13 points and 6.2 rebounds per game, with Franklin adding 12.3 points and 5.2 rebounds per game.

Both Collins and Franklin were named preseason first-team All-SWAC in a poll of SWAC head coaches and information directors. While Collins and Franklin will carry the main scoring load, JSU also returns Yettra Specks, who averaged 6.6 points and 2.1 rebounds last season, and Janarius Middleton, who also averaged 6.6 points and averaged 5.1 rebounds.

Prediction

JSU was picked to finish second in the SWAC in the preseason poll behind Texas Southern. The Tigers play their normal strong slate of out-of-conference games, which includes Ohio State University, Baylor University, University of Memphis, Marshall University and USM.

Since the SWAC is a one-bid league for the NCAA Tournament, JSU has to win the conference tournament to go dancing. This season is about taking the next step as a program and another trip to the postseason is important.

JSU has the talent to win the conference tournament and go to the Big Dance. But if they don't win the tournament, getting into the NIT isn't a bad backup.

Mississippi State University Bulldogs

Head coach: Ben Howland (415-223 overall, 14-17 at MSU entering second season)

2015-2016 record: 14-17 overall, 7-11 SEC

Radio: 105.9 FM

Arena: Humphrey Coliseum

Last Season Recap

Mississippi State didn't experience a quick turnaround after replacing Rick Ray with Ben Howland. The Bulldogs had plenty of returning players last season, but they weren't used to winning. One thing Howland did do in his first season is upgrade the talent on the team. He managed to get Callaway High School star Malik Newman and Velma Jackson High School star Quinndary Weatherspoon. While Newman struggled most of his freshman season, Weatherspoon received SEC All-Freshman honors.

Almost from the outset, MSU was struck with injuries all up and down the roster. That and a tough nonconference schedule made the early season hard. MSU lost to the University of Miami in Florida, Florida State University, Texas Tech University and had a surprise loss to Southern University. The season ended with a 79-69 loss to the University of Georgia in the SEC Tournament.

2016-2017 Outlook

In the offseason, Newman transferred to the University of Kansas, and the team lost several key players from last year's squad. Weatherspoon, guard I.J. Ready and forward Aric Holman all return. Ready averaged 9.2 points and 4.5 assists, and Holman played sparingly.

If this is the season when things turnaround for MSU, youth will lead the way. Howland will rely on highly touted freshmen Lamar Peters, Eli Wright, Abdul Ado (if the NCAA clears him) and Tyson Carter. Xavian Stapleton joins the team this season after sitting out last season due to his transfer from Louisiana Tech University.

On paper, this team is talented enough to win games, but will all the youth come together to get this team into the postseason?

Prediction

Speaking of the non-conference schedule, it looks on paper as if it shouldn't be too hard to navigate. This team should have a good chance to be in every out-of-conference game with a chance to win most of them.

Since that schedule is so light, it will be up to the Bulldogs to make noise in SEC play. MSU can't afford to lose its first five games of the conference slate and still hope to have a chance at the postseason.

It wouldn't be out of the question for MSU to return to the postseason. This team should shoot for an at-large NCAA bid, but getting a NIT bid should be the main goal.

University of Mississippi Rebels

Head coach: Andy Kennedy (233-139 overall, 212-126 at UM entering 12th season)

2016-2017 record: 20-12 overall, 10-8 SEC

Radio: 93.7 FM

Arena: The Pavilion

Last Season Recap

The University of Mississippi cruised through its out-of-conference schedule with a 10-4 record. Losses to George Mason University and Seton Hall University were the only early-season setbacks.

UM played a weak non-conference schedule, and that never helps comes tournament time. The team had no wins on the schedule that would stand out at the end at of the season.

Once conference play began, the Rebels started 2-1 with the lone loss coming from the University of Kentucky. Then came a losing streak that included a loss to MSU.

The Rebels didn't lose two games in a row for the rest of the season, but they didn't collect many quality wins.

UM finished the season with 20 wins and a winning record in SEC play but lacked quality wins that impress tournament committees.

The lack of quality wins meant the Rebels didn't get a bid to the NCAA tournament or the NIT.

2016-2017 Outlook

Head coach Andy Kennedy is going to earn his money this season. The Rebels don't return a player of the caliber of Marshall Henderson, Jarvis Summers or Stefan Moody.

The team's leading returning scorer is center Sebastian Saiz, who averaged 11.7 points and 8.7 rebounds per game last season. Also returning is guard Rasheed Brooks, who averaged 8.3 points and 3.3 rebounds, and forward Marcanvis Hymon, who averaged 6.1 points and 5.2 rebounds.

The rebels will count on two transfer players to produce this season: Guard Deandre Burnett from the University of Miami in Florida and guard Cullen Neal from the University of New Mexico.

Few coaches do more with less than Kennedy does at UM. This season might be his greatest coaching job if he can get this team to the postseason.

Prediction

Once again the out-of-conference schedule doesn't have many highlights. The lack of sizzle could hold this team back if it's on the tournament bubble.

The weak non-conference schedule means the Rebels will have to win games both in and out of conference. There will be a very small margin for error for this team to reach postseason.

This is the first season in the last three to four years that a true star doesn't return for the Rebels. This team will win with more of a team effort than watching a star carry the load when it matters most.

Kennedy gets the most out of each and everyone of his players, and he will have to reach deep to get a little more this season.

It seems unlikely that the Rebels will make the postseason, but if they do, it will be the NIT.

University of Southern Mississippi Golden Eagles

Head coach: Doc Sadler (166-148 overall, 17-41 at USM entering third season)

2015-2016 season record: 8-21 overall, 5-13 C-USA

Radio: 105.1 FM

Arena: Reed Green Coliseum

Last Season Recap

It has been tough for USM on the hardwood the last few seasons. The school was 17-41 over the past two seasons, as an NCAA investigation and later sanctions hit the program.

Head coach Doc Sadler has done a good job with what he was left to work with, but injuries have made his job harder.

Last season the Golden Eagles suffered a six-game losing streak at the beginning of the season. The best USM could do was string together a two-game winning streak twice. Late in the season was brutal for USM, as the team lost seven straight games.

Southern Miss played tough teams all season long. The lack of depth made closing out games tough.

Looking at the glass half full, USM might have hit rock bottom last season. Now, Sadler can focus on rebuilding the program after the NCAA sanctions.

2016-2017 Outlook

USM returns five of its eight top scorers from last season: Guard Khari Price, with 9.6 points, 3.1 rebounds and 4.5 assists; forward Eddie Davis III, with 9.4 points and 5.7 rebounds; forward Raheem Watts, with 7.5 points and 3.1 rebounds; guard Quinton Campbell, with 6.7 points and 3.3 rebounds; guard Michael Ramey, with 5.5 points and 1.3 rebounds.

Southern Miss returns guards Cortez Edwards and Robert Thomas III and forward Tim Rowe from last year's team. All three played a limited role last season but should contribute more to this year.

This season, USM added eight people who didn't play on last year's team. Now that the team has depth, those close games might start going in favor of the Golden Eagles.

It is still going to be a struggle for Sadler and the Golden Eagles until all the effects of the NCAA sanctions are gone, but this is the first season where fans feel hope for the program's future.

Prediction

The out-of-conference schedule features a mix of winnable games and some tough contests. USM plays Louisiana State University, MSU, Florida State University, San Diego State University, JSU and Tulane University for on the nonconference slate.

Conference USA has changed a ton with all the conference shifting over the last decade. While it isn't the strong basketball conference it once was, it does boast some strong teams.

Sadler and the Golden Eagles should shoot for a .500 record this season. It is highly unlikely the team achieves much more than that right now. Any postseason berth would be a surprise.

This season is about laying the foundation for the future of the program. Now that the NCAA investigation is over, the rebuilding process can truly begin.

College Basketball Preview 2016: Small Schools

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Forward Stacey Mack returns to lead Mississippi College. Photo courtesy David NIchols/Mississippi College

Alcon State Braves

Alcorn State University kicked off last season with seven consecutive losses and finished the non-conference slate with a 2-9 record—a rough start for first-year head coach Montez Robinson.

The Braves rebounded from the tough non-conference slate to finish second in the SWAC, ending the season with a close loss to Mississippi Valley State University in the SWAC Tournament. Alcorn had a 15-15 overall record, finishing with at least a .500 record for the first time since 2002.

This year could be more of a struggle with another difficult non-conference slate and a lack of experience on the roster. However, ASU does have returning preseason second-team All-SWAC forward Marquis Vance, DeAndre Davis and Reginal Johnson, who were all major contributors last season. The Braves were picked to finish fifth in the conference in the preseason poll.

In just his second year, Robinson will have to do his best coaching job yet if he wants to win the SWAC Tournament and go to the NCAA Men's Division I Basketball Championship.

Mississippi Valley State Delta Devils

Mississippi Valley State University head coach Andre Payne's second season got off to a poor start. MVSU began with a 14-game losing streak and didn't win a game until the new year started.

The Delta Devils didn't find much success in the conference slate, either, finishing seventh in the SWAC. They had brief surge during the conference tournament, winning two games before Jackson State University ended their season.

Payne has a 14-52 record at the helm following a tough nonconference stretch last season. This year's slate is equally loaded. Thankfully, MVSU has returning preseason first-team All-SWAC guard Marcus Romain, who averaged 18.6 points per game, and guard Isaac Williams, who averaged 11.6 points per game.

MVSU must take the SWAC Tournament to get into the NCAA Championship, so winning conference games is key.

Delta State Statesmen

Delta State University finished last season with a 19-11 overall record and a 13-9 record in the Gulf South Conference. That earned the Statesmen a tie for third place in the conference and the fifth seed in the GSC Tournament. DSU reached the semifinals before losing to the University of Alabama in Huntsville.

Devin Schmidt, last season's GSC Player of the Year, South Region Player of the Year, and NABC and D2CCA All-American, led the team. He averaged 25.4 points per game and became the leading scorer in DSU history, with 1,873 points. He will need 696 points to become the GSC all-time leading scorer.

This year, Schmidt was named the preseason GSC Player of the Year and Division II Bulletin Player of the Year, also earning a spot on the preseason All-GSC team. The Statesmen will go as far as he can take them this season.

Mississippi College Choctaws

Mississippi College finished last season with a 10-18 overall record and a 7-15 record in the GSC. After transitioning to Division II, MC is now eligible for the conference tournament, but a run at the GSC title likely won't happen this year, as MC must replace its four top scorers from last season.

The Choctaws do have returning forward Stacey Mack and guards Otis Harvey, Antonio Johnson and DeOndre Haynes, as well as four other players with limited roles last season. This season rests on how quickly the new starters take to their expanded roles.

Expect the Choctaws to take steps forward but not to be much of a challenge for the conference title.

Millsaps Majors

Millsaps College struggled last season, finishing 5-21 overall and 4-10 in the Southern Athletic Association. Between player transfers and graduations, the Majors won't have much returning talent to improve this year.

Millsaps hasn't had a winning record in men's basketball since winning 25 games in 2007-08 season. Since then, the team has only had double-digit seasons twice, in the 2009-2010 and 2010-2011 seasons. Millsaps will likely keep struggling with their play on the court and with keeping players on campus.

Don't expect things to change this season with so much turnover since last year. Unfortunately, the Majors look like a bottom-of-the-conference team.

Belhaven Blazers

Belhaven University didn't have many victories on the court last season. The Blazers won just two games as they made the move from NAIA to Division III. They won't be eligible for the American Southwest Conference title or the Division III Tournament, yet.

Belhaven fans had to watch the season slide by last year as the bottom fell out, ending in a 2-23 record—the Blazers' worst record since winning just five games in1962. It was only the team's fifth time to fall short of double-digit wins since 1990.

The team will rely on forward DaJuan Young, who was named to the ASC preseason watch list, but he will have to do more than his four points per game from last season if the Blazers are to score more wins this time around.

Tougaloo Bulldogs

Tougaloo College started last year with a 7-4 record before losing five of their next seven games. The Bulldogs won four of their last six games to reach 13-11 overall and 5-7 in the Gulf Coast Athletic Conference. In the GCAC Tournament, Tougaloo fell 94-92 in overtime against Xavier University of Louisiana.

This season, Tougaloo will have to face Dillard University and Talladega College, who will be the teams to beat in the GCAC. The Bulldogs have returning forward Andravious Smith, who averaged 15.7 points, and guard Jarmell Anderson, who averaged 12.3 points, but Tougaloo will need more production from other players to fight for the GCAC title this season.

‘We Failed Him’: Caught in the Revolving Door of Juvenile Detention

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Yvette Mason lives a mother's nightmare.

On June 21, 2016, she drove her 17-year-old son Charles McDonald to the Henley-Young Juvenile Justice Center, where he had been eight times since his 13th birthday, most recently after failing a drug test for PCP and pot. He was acting erratically and jumpy, fidgeting and crying as they approached Henley-Young, which sits on a steep hill south of Jackson on McDowell Road.

McDonald had called the detention center that morning asking for help, Mason said. So she picked him up from a friend's house to take him there.

When they arrived, the mother called for the staff to come assist her. Her son jumped out of her car and bolted down the sharp incline of the hill to the parking lot of the business that sits at the bottom, Performance Oil.

In the tiny, gravel lot, McDonald stopped by a gray Lexus parked parallel to the front of the white, squat building with narrow windows. Then the disraught teenager began to beat on the car's windows with his red Nike slides.

His mother sped down the hill in her car, pulling up in front as an older man stepped out from the side door, armed, less than 10 feet from the boy. The man and the boy tussled, and a shot rang out. Mason stepped from her car, and saw her child sprawled in the grave parking lot, bleeding, shot in the chest.

"I never heard a warning shot," Mason says now.

Today, five months later, she can still see the eyes of the youngest of her two children. They stare straight ahead, not moving. She lives that moment again and again. She goes to therapy but refuses to take her medicine, worried about the potential for side effects. She wonders if there are groups she can go to for victims of gun violence. She prays.

Mason created a shrine of sorts to her son in the living room of the small, one-room apartment into which she moved since the shooting, downsizing now that she is living alone. She hopes to move into a house soon, with a room for all of his things.

McDonald's previous trips to Henley-Young involved auto burglary and drug-court violations, and Mason isn't sure if he had anything in his system the day he died. She said he had tested positive in the past for PCP and marijuana, both drugs that can cause paranoia and hallucinations.

Maybe that was why he ran down the hill, maybe that was the reason he was beating on the car windows, but he is still dead, regardless. His mother wonders, of course, what she could have done differently, sometimes spending her days feeling numb.

She also wonders what the city and county might have done differently to help her son, who was in and out of the detention center eight times without the help he clearly needed, not end up dead less than a hundred yards from the front door of the Henley-Young Juvenile Justice Center.

"He wanted to get help," Mason said. "He was calling that day to get help."

A Repeated Exercise

Charles McDonald began his relationship with the legal system when he was 13, the result of hanging around older boys who his mother believed were involved with illegal activities.

The police soon picked McDonald up in connection with an auto break-in. She said he refused to give up any names, and so he ended up at Henley-Young.

"And then he tested positive for marijuana and that's when the first drug-court sessions started," Mason said. After that, he was caught in the detention cycle.

Records for juveniles, especially ones entangled within the justice system, are notoriously difficult to obtain. Mississippi law prohibits the youth-court system from sharing or publicly hearing any issue relating to a minor. On top of that, federal guidelines protecting personal health and educational records also prohibit those involved with the process such as the administrators and the counselors from sharing any personal information.

For these reasons, most information about the ground-level experience of facilities like Henley-Young comes from the narrative of family members and former youth offenders.

The research for Jackson shows that the number of kids who will eventually end up in the adult correctional system is a more manageable number than one might expect. The Mississippi attorney general's office hired BOTEC, a national research firm, to investigate the sources of crime in Jackson, using funds the Mississippi Legislature allocated. BOTEC released its report early this year.

"Of the 30,000 students currently enrolled in Jackson Public Schools, according to these data, we can predict that approximately 5 percent, or 1,500 students, will, at some point, get arrested by the Jackson Police Department or Hinds County Sheriff's Office," the report states, adding that "2.2 percent, or 660, will be arrested for a serious crime such as a drug charge, aggravated assault, robbery, weapons offense, kidnapping, abuse and neglect, and burglary; 0.44 percent, or 132 will be arrested for a very serious crime such as murder, manslaughter or rape."

The statistics break down further, highlighting the rate at which high-school populations matriculate into the correctional system. For Provine High School, which McDonald had attended sporadically, 10.9 percent of the students are likely to enter the adult correctional system, with 6.3 percent of that group charged with a serious offense and 0.97 percent with a very serious offense.

Mason said detention was a repeated exercise for her son, with eight trips to Henley-Young. McDonald also visited other longer-stay facilities but never for long-term mental-health or substance-abuse treatment. Mason said that before his death, his counselor at Henley-Young and his family had tried to secure him a place at a long-term treatment facility near Memphis but to no avail.

"He'd been to Sunflower Landing, to Brentwood," Mason said of facilities that offer mental-health and trauma treatment to young people.

"He's been to the place in Meridian, Region 8, and they were in the process of trying to get him to Diamond Grove in Louisville, Mississippi."

The youth court sends juveniles who need mental-health treatment, including for substance abuse, to one of several state institutions, including the ones McDonald visited. However, his relatives were not sure whether any mental-health experts developed a treatment plan for him.

"I don't think they ever did a treatment program on him in Jackson," Cotten Taylor, a close family associate, said. "It's a need."

If juveniles in the Hinds County youth-court system, whose families tend to have limited resources, cannot get help at the juvenile-justice center, they do not have many other options. But, thanks to a lawsuit on behalf of the juveniles in the facility, the county is starting to address the lack of mental-health services in Henley-Young.

The changes come too late to help Charles McDonald, however.

System Failure

Several interest groups, such as the Southern Poverty Law Center and Disability Rights Mississippi, sued the Henley-Young Juvenile Justice Center in 2012 on behalf of unnamed juveniles, petitioning the court to help create more humane conditions and practices. As a result, and after years of legal back-and-forth, the facility continues to alter its practices. It has recently re-allocated monies to Henley-Young to create a mental-health staff, including professionals and case managers.

Johnnie McDaniels, executive director of the Henley-Young Juvenile Justice Center, readily admits that the facility should have offered McDonald more help.

"There just should be other options available to Charles as opposed to repeated detention in Henley-Young," McDaniels said. "That didn't really help him a lot. And just being released and coming back but never transferred to some sort of long-term rehabilitative situation, which I thought was detrimental to Charles."

Even though McDonald started with Henley-Young when he was 13, the court sent him to a few other facilities for short periods of time, McDaniels said, but never assigned him long-term help. "The rest of the time was repeated detention at Henley-Young," McDaniels said.

While McDonald would go into the detention center for 89-day stays, the county and the groups that sued reached an agreement this year to keep youth people in the facility for no longer than 21 days. The limit was an evidence-based policy change that the youth-court judge, William Skinner, fought unsuccessfully in court. McDaniels said he used McDonald's story to illustrate to Judge Skinner that the detention-based approach to juvenile justice is not effective.

"Charles was one of the kids I used as an example of a kid who was in an 89-day program since the time he was 13 to the time of his unfortunate death, and he never got any kind of rehabilitative services from anywhere," McDaniels said. "We failed him. The system failed that kid. I believe that."

McDaniels said other options for children facing youth court include programs like drug court, but he said he was not sure how that program affects the kids, except for sending them back to Henley-Young for new reasons.

"Kids are kind of told, you are in drug court," McDaniels said, "and that seems like it. There's no real follow-through, no real programming."

"And when he comes back with a positive drug screen for his weekly drug test, he is put back in detention for 89 days. I don't know what the programming piece of that is."

"Charles is one of those kids that should have been in a facility like Oakley where he could have been somewhere long-term," McDaniels said.

The Mississippi Department of Human Services operates the Oakley Youth Development Center in Raymond, which serves as the sole long-term juvenile correctional facility in Mississippi.

McDaniels said one of the reasons McDonald was never transferred to a facility like Oakley was because he was never charged, or adjudicated, of the felony-level crimes, a requirement for placement there. Even the pattern of non-adjudication limbo was not unusual in Mississippi.

"That's pretty common. It's not necessarily just the court," McDaniels said.

The pattern can repeat until these children reach adulthood, bouncing in and out of youth court and the detention center until their 18th birthday when they enter the more consequential and public adult correctional system. Without intervention, the children who enter the juvenile-justice system can slip right into a life of offense—the BOTEC report warns that contact with the criminal-justice system is one of two top indicators (the other is school absence/dropping out) of whether a young person will commit worse crime later.

"Putting him in Henley-Young every time he committed an offense because he is on probation and never dealing with the underlying issues was a failure. And there are other kids out there" that face the same pattern, McDaniels said.

For McDonald, the underlying issues were not only his relationship with substances.

"I would ask him, 'Charles, why do you repeatedly steal?' and on one occasion, he said that he was trying to take care of his child," McDaniels said. "You just think about that, a 17-year-old that's struggling with the system himself, trying to take care of a child."

'No Treatment Going On'

As a result of the lawsuit, the federal court ordered an outside expert, known as the federal monitor, to oversee improvements and submit annual reports on conditions in the Hinds detention facility.

Monitor Leonard Dixon, the executive director of the Cook County Juvenile Temporary Detention Center in Missouri, says children should not visit Henley-Young for treatment.

"The juvenile-detention facility is for three things: protection for the public; to ensure that a kid comes to court; and the beginning, key word beginning, of the rehabilitation process," Dixon said during an Oct. 5 interview.

McDonald's 89-day stays in Henley-Young, following the pattern of re-entry and release, do not set up children for treatment.

"They didn't have a placement, or they were just held there. Which was more of a revocation program than a treatment program, because there was no treatment going on," Dixon said.

McDonald followed that negative pattern during those almost three years of bouncing in and out of Henley-Young, McDaniels said. McDonald was doomed to sit out his time making no progress on the underlying issues he faced because he had no help available inside the facility and few options for finding help within the state's system.

"Eighty-nine days at a time, he just did time," McDaniels said. "But he never really got the long-term rehabilitative services that he needed. And ideally, that's what kids like Charles need: a long-term, rehabilitative setting. And Henley-Young is a short-term facility."

Dixon compared Henley-Young's role in the rehabilitative process to the emergency room. "You have to look at the juvenile-detention center as the emergency room of the juvenile-justice system," he said, explaining that it was a place to be diagnosed rather than treated, like with complex or chronic issues such as a serious bone injury. "But you don't go back to the emergency room; they send you to a bone specialist or another place for your treatment."

Dixon said Henley-Young has not been up to the task of facilitating proper evaluation of the children. After a recent expert review of the facility's mental-health capability, Hinds County decided to transfer more than $190,000 to Henley-Young to pay for a staff expansion, including mental-health experts.

"Not yet," Dixon said as to whether the facility met the level for appropriate care. "That's one of the reasons why the funding was put in place, to hire people to do that. You do have some mental health (care), but it is not fully developed."

McDaniels said the lack of available care, even basic evaluation for potential mental-health issues, pushed McDonald back onto the streets each time with little chance for intervention, unless it came in the form of further charges down the line.

"And at the end of the time, when he was released, he would go right back into that environment because there was nothing else following him once he left Henley-Young," McDaniels said. "That's where the whole case-management piece, I think, comes in. You get a kid like Charles in the system, he seriously needs case management; otherwise, he is going to fall through the cracks."

That case management, Dixon said, could flow between all parties involved, including the youth courts.

"Once that occurs, that information would go to the court, and the court would determine the best placement for that kid based on the resources, programs that are available," the monitor said.

McDaniels said that as a part of the mental-health expansion, Henley-Young is hiring three case managers who will track the children that enter the facility during their stay and after they leave in an effort to coordinate the care.

Defending Indigent Youth

Most of the children in the juvenile-justice system are indigent and cannot afford a private attorney, and so protecting their interests falls to the public defenders of the county.

"The majority of kids that come into youth court are indigent," Brenda Locke, juvenile resource attorney with Mississippi's Office for the State Public Defender, explains. "There are more (who are) poor than those that are not."

For each county, the juvenile-justice system is different. If the county has a circuit court, then one of the judges serves as the youth-court authority, and the county appoints or hires the public defenders. A few counties have chancellors from the chancery court, or appointed referees (appointed attorneys), who serve in the role of the youth court judge.

"A few areas will have a full-time defender that will represent the children," Locke said. "But it depends."

Locke said the attorneys representing the child in youth court have the same responsibilities as they would in circuit court for an adult client. One problem, Locke said, was that not all public defenders push to help the children, even as they repeatedly enter the system.

"Not all public defenders do that," she said. "They are supposed to. They are supposed to guide, counsel and advise. And to me, part of that is finding out what is going on so you can help them not come back."

Locke said Mississippi lacks a uniform public-defender system, especially for youth court. The state maintains that the Office for the State Public Defender, which Locke works in, but focuses on defense for capital-murder cases and training for adult public defenders.

This means that the pay for the public defenders, including the details of their contracts, are decided on the county levels, she said, sometimes through discussions with the youth-court judge, which Locke said might be a problem in the long run.

"Because the youth-court judge has a lot of influence over who gets appointed or who gets the contract, there is an issue, in most people's opinion, of whether you are going to be a zealous advocate and risk your job or kowtow to the judge and keep it," Locke said.

This situation could cause problems for the public defender, especially when considering alternative substance or mental-health treatment plans.

"As a public defender, you have to be kind of careful saying your client has a drug problem and needs to go off somewhere," Locke said. "Those treatments, even though they are supposed to be confidential, those can follow them. So you really have to be careful, in my opinion, when you are asking for some type of residential treatment facility to be very careful with that. Those types of admissions can cause problems for them later." 
 Locke added that if the child asks for help, the public defender can look for a suitable place to get it. However, it always depends on the judge to approve the plan, she said, which may or may not occur.

"Does that mean the court's going to do it? Maybe. Maybe not. It depends on the judge, it depends on the circumstances, and it depends on the offense sometimes," she said. "There's not a whole lot of residential inpatient treatment for drug or mental health, for that matter, in Mississippi."

Of course, costs for treatment can be prohibitive, especially in a climate where the state is cutting mental-health services, Locke said.

"If you have a judge who really prefers detention," Locke said, "you can make the best argument in the world, and if the judge wants to put them in detention, they are going to. The problem that I have these days is that nobody is appealing this stuff."

Appealing, she said, could help keep more kids from the revolving door of juvenile-detention facilities like Henley-Young.

A lot of the proceedings, including whether the court itself is adhering to the state rules, happens outside the public eye because of the confidentiality rules surrounding youth courts.

Only the ability of the child's attorney to appeal prevents the abuse of the court's wide-ranging authority over the juveniles. Youth court, unlike the adult system, has no appeal track to the state supreme court. Instead, the name of the minor is reduced to initials only to protect his or her identity, and the case heads directly to the Mississippi Supreme Court.

"Under the appellate rules, it is supposed to be on an expedited track," Locke said. "It goes straight to the big boys."

Youth-court defendants appealed only two cases to the Mississippi Supreme Court in the last year, Locke said.

She said the child, if indigent, does not have to pay the attorney or the filing costs to appeal. The case would go to the state indigent appeal office, which would take it from there.

"I think (appeals) would hold the system more accountable. It would give guidance of the meaning of the statute," Locke said. "More appeals would help us. More appeals would give us more direction."

"There are cases that should be appealed all the time," Locke said. "We need a statewide public-defender system. Whose job is it to protect the expressed interest, the constitutional rights of these children? It's the public defender."

In her opinion, the state should develop an independent public-defender system, including a layer for juveniles.

"I believe that if we have a system where there is oversight over the people who are supposed to be protecting these kids, where there can be a guarantee of quality of representation, and there can be accountability for that other than just the private individual," Locke said. "Then that can help the system be better."

Solutions Outside the System

Eventually, though, the children return to the world at large, facing the same situations that landed them in Henley-Young in the first place, as McDaniels lamented.

Some cities have programs in place to help work against the societal and circumstantial contributors to repeat offenders and cycles of detention. Dr. Charles Corprew, a child and behavioral psychologist in New Orleans, works with young people to try to stop the cycle mid-rotation.

Corprew said the battle for each child's future begins early on because the conditions they grow up in shape their development. Often, young people who end up in detention grow up in generational traumatic circumstances and poverty, a prime indicator for criminal activity.

"There are no developmental opportunities if there is trauma, if there are socioeconomic factors that are challenging the development of the child," Corprew said. "We talk a lot about how poverty affects the brain, how trauma affects the brain ... but we don't do a lot about it."

This approach lends the advantage of circumventing the whole legal system, correcting behavior at its root in the community. Techniques like these tend to be politically unpopular, especially when pitted against hard-on-crime tactics like longer sentences for offenders.

But, if rehabilitation can't take place in the detention center or in the state mental-health system, perhaps focusing on the formative conditions of the child is the answer to preventing more tragedies like McDonald.

"That's the crux of this," Corprew said. "I wholly believe that we are not doing enough in the beginning to help children grow up during those pivotal developmental years in childhood, because trauma has a lasting effect."

Corprew said research supports helping parents, to allow them to create a nurturing and positive environment. Many of those parents have also been caught up in generational trauma, and need to learn to break the cycle for their children.

"It is counter-intuitive. The research talks about bringing resources to the parents. So that is what is working, when you focus in on the parents," Corprew said.

One of the indicators for the level of academic performance, for instance, is the level of distress of the mother. In that vein, Corprew said, nonprofits in the area work to provide health and health education, drug and alcohol counseling, and financial skills, a concept called the "Missouri model."

This model, Corprew explained, outlined the effect of providing more services and resources to the parents, who then provide the environment and the foundation on which to build the child's personality and future. In short, you get out what you put in.

The City of New Orleans implemented a full-court press approach to violence and its roots with the "NOLA for Life" campaign. The project aims at combining community resources, education and work programs for offenders, as well as youth-impact programs like their wildly successful "midnight basketball" seasons.

As a result, that city brags of a 55-percent decrease in gun violence related to gangs and crews since 2011. The keys to cutting down on these sources of murder, death and crime, Corprew said, begin with the ability of the parent to provide a nurturing environment.

"Then that will be, hopefully, trickled down to the child, because then the parents are more successful and able to provide better means, better housing, food, access to health care, all of those systemic things that are impacting how we excel or do not excel in life," he said.

Crime and trauma in the child's environment affects and creates a situation that makes it more likely for him or her to become a part of the juvenile-justice system, Corprew said.

"We haven't begun to think counter-intuitively. Some states are doing it well, but many are not because they are not focused on the crux of the problem: How did the child develop into the space?" Corprew said. "So the child may grow up in a challenging home; they may be living with grandmother or grandfather who are too old to parent."

This home life contributes to other sources of difficulty for the child.

"They may be growing up in neighborhoods that don't have enough resources, and they end up going to schools who lack the resources," Corprew said. "So it is a systemic thing that provides the ultimate failure of the child."

Corprew said there is not just one way to mitigate the number of children moving in and out of the juvenile-justice system. It takes more of a wraparound approach.

"There are systems that work in conjunction with each other that you have to look at those various leverage points within the system, and pull them in concordance with each other to make a more meaningful impact," Corprew said.

This means mentoring for the child, Corprew said, along with support structures for the mother and the father. Corprew said the changes must come from strong leaders, including those on the bench.

"Courageous leadership," Corprew said. "It is that judge who has to say, this is not right, and that judge has to overcome their own personal bias and their own personal privilege."

Hinds County Youth Court Judge William Skinner has not responded to numerous requests for interviews.

Stopping the Cycle

Mason has moved from the home she shared with her son, downsizing to a small, one-bedroom apartment across town. She turned a set of shelves in the dining room nook into a small shrine.

Pictures of their family, including Charles and his older sister on either side of their mother, sit next to cards full of condolences and comfort. She likes to light small candles throughout the house.

She speaks softly of her family, and the absence with which they must now grapple.

The ripples from McDonald's death continue, Mason said, and she talks about her "grandbaby," the daughter of her eldest, McDonald's sister, who will now grow up without an uncle and with the trauma of such a loss.

She said the child, only 5 years old, already conceptualizes her uncle as a ghost or an angel.

"They just know," Mason said, adding that it has been hard on his sister as well, as McDonald's only sibling.

Not to mention Mason herself, who said she was going to therapy, but added that she did not have a support group to go to, outside of her family, and even asked a reporter if he knew of any groups.

"No one has come to talk to me," Mason said, adding that the police have not even asked for a statement from her about that day her son died.

Thursdays are her worst days, she said, as she goes through each week moving steadily closer to the weekly-anniversary of the day he was shot.

Mason said the most difficult part, looking over to the shelf with his picture, is that it will continue to hurt for the rest of her life.

"I have my family," Mason said, "but not somebody to talk to who understands the pain."

Mason cannot pinpoint a moment where she could have done something differently, where she could have applied pressure or called the right department to get her boy help.

It is hard to tell, even now, where it all went wrong with her son. She agreed to speak about the incident, she said, to encourage others to consider the road that led to McDonald's death.

"My hope is that it can help just one more child," Mason said.

It is not clear if the shooter will be charged. The Jackson Police Department's official position on the case is that it has been passed to the Hinds County grand jury for consideration for indictment, and it will not provide the name of the shooter. No one at the courthouse will state whether or when such a presentation will take place, and a review of court records does not show an indictment related to the incident.

But even if the courts give Mason some justice for her son's death, which she wants, she admits she does not know what that word means now and, besides, it will not bring her son back.

The BOTEC report, in its description of the juvenile-justice system in Hinds County, paints a picture of blame: The schools blame the home environment, the detention center blames the state, and the state blames the local administrators.

But when the system does not correct the problems, including conventional "solutions," that contribute to recidivism of youth, mothers like Mason are left with little hope that the pieces of the juvenile justice will work together to combat the steady stream of young people into Henley-Young and then to adult 
correctional facilities.

If change does come now, it is far too late for kids like Charles McDonald.

Email city reporter Tim Summers Jr. at tim@jacksonfreepress.com. This work is supported by the Solutions Journalism Network. Read the series at jfp.ms/preventingviolence.

Take-out for Thanksgiving

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If you don’t want to cook this Thanksgiving, let local businesses help you out. Photo courtesy Flickr/Kimberly Vardeman

Broad Street Baking Co. (4465 Interstate 55 N., Suite 101, 601-362-2900, broadstbakery.com)

Broad Street's menu for Thanksgiving includes baked goods such as caramel-apple king cake, decorated sugar cookies in fall leaf, pumpkin and turkey patterns, apple-raisin bars, and chocolate-chip pumpkin bread. For its catering menu, Broad Street has dishes such as curried butternut-squash bisque; BRAVO!'s signature spinach-and-goat cheese salad, andouille dressing, spinach casserole, fried turkey breast, a rustic deep-dish quiche, pumpkin, pecan and sweet potato pies, and more. Broad Street also has gluten-sensitive options such as honey-bourbon carrots, corn maque choux, cheese grits, gluten-sensitive chocolate-chip cookies and more. Customers can make orders until Sunday, Nov. 20, and pick up their selections on Wednesday, Nov. 23, by 2 p.m. The restaurant will be closed Thursday, Nov. 24.

Crazy Cat Eat Up (4500 Interstate 55 N., Suite 173, 601-957-1441)

For its Thanksgiving catering menu, Crazy Cat has savory dishes such as a Coca-Cola-glazed ham, cornbread dressing, Mississippi sweet-potato puree and yellow squash casserole, and desserts such as bread pudding, chocolate chip-bourbon-pecan pie, Snickers cobbler, spiced-apple cake with a caramel glaze and more. Crazy Cat will take orders until it can't any more. Pick-up will be the day before Thanksgiving, Wednesday, Nov. 23, from 9 a.m. to 3 p.m.

Grant's Kitchen (2847 Lakeland Dr., Flowood, 601-665-4764, grantskitchen.com)

Grant's offers two Thanksgiving packages for with anywhere from seven to 20 servings people that includes a half or whole roasted turkey (depending on the package), two sides, cornbread dressing and two pies, as well as sweet potato or corn casseroles, desserts and other menu options that are available individually. Customers can get vegetables and sides in pints, quarts, half gallons and gallons. For pricing, visit grantskitchen.com. Pick up is Wednesday, Nov. 23.

McDade's Market (Multiple locations, mcdadesmarkets.com)

This Thanksgiving, McDade's has gallon-sized sides such as cornbread dressing, turnip greens, candied yams, macaroni and cheese, and more, each for $19.99. The markets also have sweet potato or pumpkin pies for $3.99. It also has turkey or ham dinner options that feed eight to 10 people and include cornbread dressing, a 32-ounce side such as broccoli-and-rice or green-bean casseroles; and include items such as a pumpkin pie and a dozen dinner rolls. McDade's will take orders for the dinners through this weekend.

Hickory Pit (1491 Canton Mart Road)

For Thanksgiving, Hickory Pit offers items such as smoked turkey, desserts, ribs and sides. For more information, call 601-956-7079.

Whole Foods Market (4500 Interstate 55 N., 601-608-0405, wholefoodsmarket.com)

For Thanksgiving, Whole Foods has dishes such as a smoked turkey, Gardein holiday roast and herb-roasted turkey breast. It also has dinner packages for that serve anywhere from four to eight people. One of the packages include a roasted turkey breast dinner for four people that includes homestyle mashed potatoes, herb stuffing, cranberry orange relish and turkey gravy. The turkey dinners for six to eight people include a green-bean casserole, in addition to the other items and the turkey. Whole Foods also has other dinners such as a prime-rib one, a spiral-sliced ham one and a vegan dinner for one. Whole Foods has other items such as Sriracha chicken wontons, Maryland-style crab cakes and apple pie. To order, visit wholefoodsmarket.com.

Primos Cafe (2323 Lakeland Drive; Flowood; 515 Lake Harbour Drive, Ridgeland)

For Thanksgiving, Primos offers a dinner package that serves 10 to 12 people. It includes a whole turkey or ham, cornbread dressing, giblet gravy, a large vegetable such as sweet-potato casserole, cranberry sauce, dinner rolls, and a choice of pies, including lemon ice box pie and sweet potato pie. Pecan pie costs extra. Primos also has a breakfast menu, which includes items such as pancake batter in a quart, cheese grits in a pint or quart and cinnamon rolls, and a holiday office catering menu. For more information about the catering menus, call Primos at 601-898-3600 (Ridgeland) or 601-936-3398 (Flowood).

Rainbow Co-op (2807 Old Canton Rd., 601-366-1602)

Rainbow Cooperative and High Noon Cafe will both be closed on Thanksgiving Day. However, it will be taking pre-orders for organic and free-range turkeys as well as Tofurky, vegetarian field roasts and more. Customers can pick up their order at any time during normal business hours until Nov. 23.

Sugar Magnolia Takery (5417 Highway 25, Flowood, 601-992-8110)

Sugar Magnolia Takery will have a full holiday menu that includes asparagus casserole, butter beans, turkey, spiral-cut ham, dressing and cranberry salsa. The restaurant will accept orders until Monday, Nov. 21.

Olivia's Food Emporium (820 Highway 51, Madison, 601-898-8333, oliviasfoodemporium.com)

Olivia's Food Emporium has a holiday menu with meats such as smoked or fried turkey, smoked pork tenderloin and Cajun stuffed turdukens; cornbread dressing; sides such as green-bean, casserole and sweet-potato casseroles; appetizers such as pimiento cheese, chicken salad, salsa and black-bean salsa; breakfast items such as breakfast casserole and bacon-and-cheese quiche; Sugaree's cakes in flavors such as caramel and red velvet; and pies such as lemon ice box and Hershey. Olivia's has a meal plan that can serve 10 to 12, and the business can also do corporate deliveries for 15 or more people. Thanksgiving orders must be placed by Friday, Nov. 18, and must be picked up by Wednesday, Nov. 23, at 2 p.m.

CHAR Restaurant (4500 Interstate 55 N., Suite 142, 601-956-9562, charrestaurant.com)

The menu includes butter beans, smashed sweet potatoes, cornbread dressing and whole pecan pie. Customers should place orders by Nov. 21 and pick the food up by Nov. 23.

Table 100 (100 Ridge Way, Flowood, 601-933-2720, tableonehundred.com)

Table 100 offers chicken or turkey meal packages for 10 to 12 people with dressing and gravy, cranberry relish and a choice of either two pumpkin pies or bread pudding. The chicken package is $149.95, and the turkey package is $169.95. Customers can also order four whole sweet tea-brined chickens for $49.95 or one whole sweet tea-brined hickory smoked turkey for $69.95. Sides include green-bean casserole, glazed carrots, macaroni and cheese, roaster cauliflower and more, and dessert is pumpkin pie or bread pudding. Orders must be placed by Thursday, Nov. 17, at 4 p.m., and pick up is Wednesday, Nov. 23.

Cookin' Up a Storm (1491 Canton Mart Road, 601-957-1166)

Cookin' Up a Storm will have a full holiday menu that includes stuffing with sage sausage, pecans and apples; scalloped pineapple casserole; corn; vodka and coffee liqueur-chocolate cake; and mini cinnamon rolls. The restaurant will accept orders until Friday, Nov 18. Cookin' Up a Storm will be open Wednesday, Nov. 23, until 2 p.m. and will be closed Nov. 24-27.

Chimneyville Smokehouse (970 High St., 601-354-4665, chimneyville.com)

For Thanksgiving, Chimneyville has a menu of with items such as smoked or fried turkey, smoked ham, cornbread dressing, macaroni and cheese, and cranberry sauce. Delivery to offices or homes is available.

The Strawberry Cafe (107 Depot Drive, Madison, 601-856-3822, strawberrycafemadison.com)

For Thanksgiving, Strawberry Cafe will offer a special family feast package. With it, customers have a choice of pork loin with an orange-honey and rosemary demi glaze or a glazed boneless ham; herbed cornbread dressing or oyster cornbread dressing; a choice of three sides such as seasonal salad, green-bean casserole, baked apples, sweet potatoes with candied walnuts, potatoes au gratin, or macaroni and cheese; a homemade cranberry sauce; dinner rolls; and caramel pie. The package feeds 10 to 12 people. The deadline for orders is Sunday, Nov. 20.

The Manship Wood Fired Kitchen (1200 N. State St., 601-398-4562)

The Manship's holiday catering menu has meats such as a whole turkey (smoked or fried) or a maple-glazed duroc pork shoulder; sides such as pork and cabbage dressing; corn casserole; braised greens; and pumpkin and pecan pies. The deadline for ordering is Nov. 18, and customers should pick orders up on Nov. 23.

The Pig & Pint (3139 N. State St., 601-326-6070, pigandpint.com)

The Pig & Pint has meat such as smoked turkey, smoked Angus brisket and whole Boston butt; sides such as collard greens, Momma Hutcheson's cornbread dressing and comeback cole slaw; pecan wood-smoked gravy, Mississippi "sweet" barbecue sauce or Carolina mustard for sauces; and bananas Foster pudding and white chocolate-and-cranberry bread pudding for desserts. Order must be placed by 4 p.m., Friday, Nov. 18, and must be picked up by Wednesday, Nov. 23.

Hal & Mal's (200 Commerce St., 601-948-0888)

For Thanksgiving, Hal & Mal's has turkeys and pork butts; sides such as andouille dressing, dirty rice, corn maque choux and turnip greens; and pastries and bread such as apple pie and corn bread. Orders must be placed by 2 p.m. on Nov. 18 and must be picked up on Nov. 23 between 10 a.m. and 3 p.m.

King Edward Hotel (235 W. Capitol St., 601-353-5464)

For Thanksgiving, the King Edward has an a la carte menu that includes Creole turkey gumbo and sweet-potato bisque; meats such as herb-encrusted pork loin, and candied-molasses and orange-glazed ham; breads such as skillet rolls and hot-water cornbread with molasses butter; sides such as cranberry-ginger relish and a fall roasted-vegetable blend; and desserts such as bourbon-, caramel- and white-chocolate bread pudding. Orders must be placed by Friday, Nov. 18, and customers should pick them up on Wednesday, Nov. 23. For more information, call 601-969-8537.

To see and add more holiday eating options, visit jfp.ms/thanksgiving2016.

A Festive, Local Holiday

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Mayo Flynt, the chairman of the board of trustees at the Mississippi Museum of Art, and Renee Flynt, a former president of the Craftsmen Guild of Mississippi, pose with items from the Chimneyville Crafts Festival. Photo courtesy Nancy Perkins

The impending holiday season means stuffing our faces with tons of food and congregating with family and friends, but it also means something else: The shopping season is about to begin. This holiday, make sure you support Mississippi craftmakers.

Here's a guide to some of the craft festivals in and nearby the Jackson metro area.

Handworks Holiday Market, Nov. 18-19

For the last 35 years, Handworks Holiday Market has gathered hundreds of artisans from the South to celebrate arts and crafts through shopping. This year, the festival will bring in more than 140 exhibitors.

While there, you can find something for everyone, whether you need jewelry from Jewel of Havana or J Lizzie Jewelry, bath products from Southern Natural Soap, or even treats for your favorite dog's stocking from Cotton's Cafe Dog Treat Bakery.

The event takes place Friday, Nov. 18, from 9 a.m. to 7 p.m. and Saturday, Nov. 19, from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. at the Mississippi Trade Mart (1200 Mississippi St.). General admission is $8, and advance tickets are $10. Advance weekend passes are $15. People who purchase tickets early can get in at 8 a.m. and will receive a free shopping bag.

For more information, visit handworksmarket.com.

Jingle Bell Market, Dec. 3

To kick off the holiday season in December, the Pearl Chamber of Commerce is once again hosting the Jingle Bell Market, which brings arts-and-crafts and food vendors together at Trustmark Park (1 Braves Way, Pearl). The event, which takes place Saturday, Dec. 3, from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. in the Trustmark Park parking lot, will also have live entertainment all day and events such as an antique car show.

For more information, call 601-939-3338 or visit pearlms.org.

Priced to Move, Dec. 16-17

Priced to Move will celebrate its seventh installment from 5 p.m. to 10 p.m. on Friday, Dec. 16, and Saturday, Dec. 17.
Local artists sell their pieces at prices under $100 in order to make art a more accessible commodity.

Last year, the event was at the Russell C. Davis Planetarium, and included artists such as Justin Ransburg and Samara Thomas. This year, the event will be at the Fondren location of Hops & Habanas (2771 Old Canton Road). For more information, find the event on Facebook.

Midtown Holiday Studio Tours, Dec. 3

The Midtown Holiday Studio Tours are a great way to celebrate local arts and craft and the midtown neighborhood—and to find interesting gifts for loved ones. People can tour more than 10 warehouses and studios, including The Hangar, N.U.T.S., Pearl River Glass Studio and Offbeat.

The event will also have art, as well as food and drink vendors, such as Mississippi Cold Drip Coffee, who will have a pop-up coffee shop, and Lucky Town Brewing Company, who will have a holiday beer garden. The event will also have live music starting at 5 p.m. The holiday tours are Saturday, Dec. 3, from 3 to 8 p.m. in midtown.

Chimneyville Crafts Festival, Dec. 1-3

If you've ever been inside the Mississippi Crafts Center's gift shop, you know it's a treasure trove for southern art. You 

can find pretty much anything you want in there, from handcrafted pocket knives to framed feather paintings. Each year, the Craftsmen Guild of Mississippi also hosts the Chimneyville Crafts Festival at the Mississippi Craft Center (950 Rice Road). This year is the event's 40th anniversary and will have about 170 booths that sell work in mediums such as wood, pottery, glass, fiber and jewelry.

The Preview Party is Thursday, Dec. 1, from 7 to 10 p.m. and will include entertainment, food, beer, wine and other drinks, as well as early access to items on sale. Tickets for that event are $50 in advance or $60 at the door and include admission to the festival on Friday, Dec. 2, and Saturday, Dec. 3. The event is 11 a.m. to 8 p.m. on Dec. 2 and 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. on Dec. 3. Regular admission is $10 for each day. For more information, visit craftsmenguildofms.com.

Holly Days Arts & Crafts Show, Dec. 3

While you're looking for holiday gifts, don't forget to check out the Holly Days Arts & Crafts Show in Vicksburg. The event, which is in its ninth year, will feature vendors from around the state and will have entertainers such as the RiverPointe Dance Academy students and Ms. Thabby's Musical Theatre Program. The Vicksburg Main Street Christmas Parade of Lights follows the event at 5 p.m. The festival is 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. at the Southern Cultural Heritage Foundation's auditorium (1302 Adams St., Vicksburg). Tickets for the festival are $1. For more information, call 601-631-2997 or visit southernculture.org.

See more events at jfp.ms/calendar.

Digging Up the Roots of Jackson’s ‘Numbing’ Crime with Mayor Tony Yarber

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Mayor Tony Yarber peeks under the hood of his 1992 Mitsubishi Mighty Max truck that his family still owns in Subdivision 2 in west Jackson. Photo courtesy Eli Bettiga

Tony Tarzel Yarber, 16, waved at his best friend, Lakenya Bolden, as he drove past him in Jackson's Subdivision 2 on Aug. 4, 1994. Bolden was driving into the "Sub" on Wiggins Road, Yarber driving out. They blew their horns at each other.

Friends since kindergarten, the two sophomores at Forest Hill High School were close, and Yarber could not know he would never see his friend alive again.

Bolden and his brother, Karis Jackson, ended up on Deckard Drive on the other side of Wiggins and stopped to talk to some girls. Another group of young men drove up and got out. One of them, Barron Sheriff, reached through the car window and grabbed Bolden's cellular phone. Then, Yarber's friend put the car in park and got out and started fighting with Sheriff.

Levonzel Anderson, a 19-year-old who had only observed until then, went into his nearby house and got a sawed-off shotgun and walked up to the crowd around the fight, loading it as he walked.

Anderson raised his shotgun and fired into the crowd, and then directly at Bolden at a close range of three to four feet. Yarber's best friend died at the scene as Anderson fled. Police later found the sawed-off shotgun leaning against a tree close to the creek bed in the woods near Deckard Drive. He hid from cops for several weeks but was eventually apprehended. He was tried and convicted of murder in Hinds County Circuit Court and sentenced to life.

The death of Yarber's friend made death a brutal reality for him. "Lakenya was a good kid, a funny kid. He was a teacher's worst nightmare, but a best friend is a best friend," Yarber said during a JFP One-on-One conversation at Millsaps College on June 20, 2016. "I still think about how Ms. Carney would give him a paddling to start off the day because she knew she would have to give him a paddling anyway."

Bolden was the first person Yarber knew personally who had been murdered, although he would later see dead bodies as a teen growing up during the crack era of the 1980s and early 1990s in the Sub in west Jackson. "It did something to me. I still think about his quirky ways," Yarber says now of his buddy. "He was the first person I knew ... that had been killed that I loved and ... I would miss."

'I'm gonna call the po-lice!'

Crack cocaine infected much of west Jackson, including near the Yarber family home on Dewey Street in Sub 2 on the west side of Wiggins. But Delores Yarber wasn't having any of the nonsense.

Mrs. Yarber was 5 feet and 11 inches tall and weighed about 200 pounds. She would stand in the middle of the street with her clunky camcorder resting on her shoulder and yell at them to get off her block.

"I'm gonna call the po-lice!" she would yell, and sometimes she would.

Mrs. Yarber, now 69, still likes to sit on her porch at the house the mayor grew up in, keeping her eyes on the streets of the neighborhood that backs up into a wooded area against Interstate 20 that cut the Westside community in half back in the 1960s.

"I'm not trying to control things," she said during a summer visit by her son and the Youth Media Project, "but it's just the way we are in these houses."

Members of her tightknit family live nearby, often popping in and out of her house and yard, where Yarber stopped on this visit to look under the hood of his 1992 Mitsubishi Mighty Max truck that the family still owns. His face lit up as he described how tricked out it was when he used to drive it, with 15-inch deep-dish rims, four 15-inch woofers, two subs and two tweeters on the inside, among other features.

His father, George, whose family helped settle this part of the Sub, grew up in the neighborhood that "the Crisler brothers" developed for black people starting in the 1930s. His dad died when he was 22, but the mayor's family can easily visit his father's oldest sister, Gloria Brimage, who lives nearby and who, now and then, tells off her mayoral nephew over how he's doing his job. Yarbrough Street is a few blocks away; that's the more European way a different family member chose to spell their name, the mayor said, because somebody got in trouble, and ended up changing the spelling. "Then another one left ... well, that's a family secret," the mayor said, laughing, during the YMP visit.

Mayor Yarber, now 38, is quick to say his strong two-parent family helped keep him out of trouble during a time when it surrounded him.

But Yarber doesn't judge those who don't have that stable family. "That's not necessarily everyone's testimony," he said at the Millsaps conversation.

"It is easy for us to say, 'Well, the parents,'" Yarber continued. "That's a great way for us to pass it off, and then it isn't an issue of the village. Then it is an issue of who lives in the hut."

The mayor emphasized that many parents want to do better, but don't have the resources. "We can't just get into this mode or idea of, 'Where are the parents?'" Yarber said. "Their parents are there a lot of the cases, but (in) a lot of cases, the parents just aren't us. And they don't have access to a lot of things we have."

'Cocaine Being Rocked Up'

Yarber may have had a strong family, but he still could have turned the wrong direction. He and Bolden spent their adolescence surrounded by crack and guns, as a white tax base was fleeing a newly integrated city. That flight and crime wave left a deepening poverty, worsened by the loss of potential breadwinners to drugs and prison. Yarber's uncle was even addicted to crack.

"I remember everything about it," Yarber said of the crack era during the June 15, tour with YMP student journalists. "I remember, alright. I remember an uncle who would steal everything that wasn't tied down. I remember beautiful women who we all adored and idolized within the neighborhood who, within a year, you wouldn't even know who they were because of what they had done to their bodies."

America's crack era—when many poor African Americans were swept into an epidemic fueled by the cheaper form of cocaine from the mid-1980s to mid-1990s—was a time when Jackson murders averaged from 80 to 90 a year, Yarber said; now, the city sees about a third of that number a year. Crack also brought economic devastation and decay to communities like the Sub, the Washington Addition and others.

"People that, you know, we looked up to and considered to be some of our idols, men, they went from that to begging us for money. We're kids. 'Gimme five dollars, little brother,'" Yarber said.

Although friends who were involved in drug gangs tried to draw Yarber into selling crack—he even held crack on the corner—he said he was never tempted to actually sell it, partly because he didn't share the same literal hunger and struggle of some of other kids.

"My parents provided extremely well," he said. "Both of them were there."

Still, Yarber's friends would create crack and sell it right in front of him. "Even now I can still walk into places and smell scents that remind me of cocaine being rocked up," he said at Millsaps College.

Yarber knows he was lucky he wasn't swept up anyway. "[I]f the police had come, all of us would've gone to jail," he said.

That is a reality of young people from drug-infested Jackson neighborhoods: If someone messes with them, the police will arrest everyone involved. And during the crack apex, black users and sellers got much harsher sentences than users of higher-grade cocaine, who were often white. The federal Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 required that distributing just 5 grams, or a thimbleful of crack, bring a five-year mandatory sentence, while it took 500 grams of regular cocaine to trigger the same sentence.

Although the crack epidemic is not what it was then—usage and sales fell dramatically in the late 1990s—crack is still one of the drugs that devastates parts of Jackson, along with sales and use of meth, pot and, increasingly, heroin, police say.

Firearms are still prevalent, if not more so; with the state's liberal gun laws, it's hard to take firearms off the streets, Police Chief Lee Vance says, and many young people carry them for self-defense.

Gun violence victimizes young men of color more than any other group in the United States, and those who carry them to defend themselves often end up dead or in prison for using them.

Yarber is not unlike many young people growing up now in neighborhoods like the Washington Addition, the Brown Bottom, the Virden Addition or parts of Sub 2; his police chief, Lee Vance, grew up in the Wood Street area, long notorious for drug and gang activity. Yarber said he remembers seeing seven or eight dead bodies within 15 to 20 feet of him before he turned 13. "By junior high, it was almost numbing that people you knew could get killed, and you not see them the next day," he said.

Traumatized Children

In 2000, one of Tony Yarber's first cousins was shot 17 times. He was a father and a good provider who was suddenly missing from his children's lives.

"I did his eulogy. He was a year older than me," Yarber said at Millsaps. "What I noticed specifically is that he had six children. All six of those children were left without a father to provide. Those children were traumatized."

The trauma of losing parents to violence and prison, as well as being close to as much bloodshed as the mayor and probably the majority of black men and women in Jackson have been, can contribute directly to the ongoing cycles of violence, experts say. Young people who witness repeated community violence are two to three times more likely to suffer from post traumatic stress syndrome, which leads to depression, substance abuse, behavioral disorders, inattention (often misdiagnosed as ADD) and more violence, Dr. Denise Sherrington, a New Orleans-based trauma expert, reports. Adults must not "normalize" children's trauma, she warns. Instead of leading with "What's wrong with our youth?," Sherrington suggests, "ask "What happened to our youth?" She also added during a presentation in New Orleans that praying for kids with PTSD isn't enough; they need treatment and policies to prevent "re-traumatization."

Many public-health experts believe at-risk youth are best helped by "credible messengers" (also called "trusted messengers") who have seen what they've seen, and maybe have served time in the system and still managed to rebuild productive lives. That messenger isn't likely to look down at the kid, or even the family, knowing how the cycle actually ensnares kids.

Kai Smith, a Harlem, N.Y., gang and violence expert who had six felonies and now has six degrees, feels strongly that young people suffering from the trauma of community violence and low expectations, mixed with absence parenting, first need to be "habilitated" before they can be rehabilitated. He has done that in public schools and New York City's jail, Riker's Island, by mixing straight talk with high expectations, he said on a trip to Jackson.

Regina Briggs, 52, is also a credible messenger. She was in the audience at Yarber's talk at Millsaps and revealed afterward that she got involved with the Black Gangster Disciples when she was a teenager in Chicago. It took mentors to help her get through it, she told the Youth Media Project in an interview.

Her teenage years were traumatic, but she finally got out of Chicago and met a mentor, and a philanthropist, who helped her get on a better track. "Always have somebody you can talk to about anything," she said. "It doesn't have to be a parent, but just someone you can trust. Also surround yourself with people who motivate you and bring positive energy into your life."

Briggs said it's tough to break the cycle, though. "What's going on in Jackson is similar to what was going on in Chicago when I was younger," she said. "I believe Mayor Yarber has a lot on his hands."

Yarber told a story of a young man who tried to break into his house as his friend was breaking into his car. "You know, me being foolish and young at the time, I started chasing them, and one of the guys and myself, we fight," Yarber said.

But the real story was the young man's past. "His caseworker said that something very similar had happened to this kid maybe two months ago. ... The fact that he would continue to try to stay in the same life and do the same things means that he was desensitized. ... What do we do to make people less callous about these things?" Yarber said.

It is about figuring out the problem, and then monitoring the intervention, the pastor and former principal said. "The approach to crime is no different than the approach to a kid that's having learning disabilities in school," he said. First, comes a conversation to assess the child's strengths and weaknesses. Then, he said, "I identify which of those weaknesses deserve priority."

"How do we scope and sequence those? Do some of the interventions need to be parallel, or do I scalpel those? And in doing that, you prescribe the intervention, and you monitor progress overtime to make sure that you got exactly what you need."

The weakness, the mayor added, is in sustaining efforts to help young people survive the trauma and change their life course. "We've gotten pretty good at prescribing. We have not been so good at progress monitoring, because we've been more excited about saying that we're doing the good work than measuring the work we're doing," he added. That is, the solutions tend to be patchwork at best.

Still, dealing with trauma, which often leads to more violence, should be non-negotiable, if for no other reason than the threat it poses to others, Yarber said, referring to the children of his cousin he eulogized. "Six lives with the potential of that trauma, being exponentialized over whatever community they're living in; the effects could be felt there," Yarber said.

'What Are Their Risks?'

"This used to be one of the two barbershops out here," the mayor said, pointing as the Jackson Fire Department bus turned back north onto Wiggins Road after leaving his parents' house. "Of course, everything out here was black-owned." Except, he added, that one store by a white man, Mr. Garrett. And then there was a store that was Indian-owned at one point that he sheepishly admitted folks in the neighborhood called the "Jew-man store."

"Nobody knew any better," he said.

But by now, few local businesses remain in Sub 2, nor in many majority-black neighborhoods in the city. The Metrocenter Mall was a victim of white and economic flight, and crime fears—even though it is still there, with far fewer businesses. But all the city's movie theaters closed or followed flight to the suburbs. That leaves teens little to do, and few jobs they can easily get to.

"Well, it definitely hurts job potential. ... We're going to pass a brand-new store that they just built here and, typically and I guess you can't blame them, but they're primarily owned by East Indians, and their family members work there," the mayor said. That means they don't hire many young people from the neighborhood, a problem majority-black communities face around the nation. "And typically if they do, it's probably somebody who kind of cleans up or something; you know, they give them a few dollars to clean up."

"The opportunities aren't there."

That means that it is hard for families to keep their kids off the streets and learning job skills, much less to build wealth and credit, and it is more likely that their children turn to crime, either stealing to get what they don't have—like shoes or cell phones—or to get money to buy food, as many children in poor parts of Jackson do. Or they might get pulled into the drug trade, where violence often follows. It can be hard to say no when you're young, hungry, and have few opportunities and nowhere safe to spend your time.

Compounding the jobs problem, Yarber said, is transportation problems, from a continually under-funded bus system to people who can't afford cars and gas.

"Our Achilles heel in terms of service delivery is transportation," Yarber said on the bus in June. "It is the most embarrassing conversation that I have with staff on a weekly basis. The most embarrassing."

That means young people can't get to jobs, and older people can't get to their doctors' appointments, Yarber said. He admitted that he had come into the job with "this huge vision of creating a more modern transportation system," but realizes now they had "grossly under-estimated the state of dilapidation of the fleet."

What lack of funding and organization ultimately means for young people at the highest risk of committing crime in Jackson is that they don't get the "wraparound services" they need to steer them a different direction and interrupt the cycle of violence. "You've got to drill down and ask questions. What are their risks? And then you determine what the interventions are to those risks," the former principal said.

"And that hasn't been done."

'Put Them on Some Jobs'

As the bus crept slowly through the streets of the Washington Addition on that hot day in June, Yarber suddenly had the bus stop in the middle of a street. The mayor got out and started interviewing people who stopped by about what needed to happen to reduce crime in the Addition.

"We need to find more for them to do and everything," said one middle-aged man. "(Help them) go back to school, get your education, work programs, try to help them get jobs so they can have money in they pockets."

Suddenly, 21-year-old twins Stephen and Steffon Butler—former star basketball players at Jim Hill High School who got in trouble and, thus, didn't finish—came out of a corner store and walked over to greet the mayor. The two young men, former Vice Lords, are part of a group called Undivided that former drug dealer and felon John Knight—a credible messenger—started in the Addition to get young people to not follow in his path and to put them to work cutting grass and doing other neighborhood jobs so they don't resort to drug dealing or stealing if they don't have jobs.

As the twins left, Yarber continued interviewing people about what was needed to stop crime there. "Get them interactive with the law enforcement, getting them to meet them, and hey, this can be a career that you can go in, and you know, let 'em know that," another resident suggested.

"That's a good idea!" Yarber said.

"Yeah, cuz you know we been having a lot of negativity about our police department and everything, so hey, all of them ain't perfect, but hey, if (cops) know the people in the neighborhood and the young folks in the neighborhood, that builds a stronger relationship," the resident continued.

Another one offered, "Like a lot of these yards that need to be cut and everything, we just, we do that there and help build them some career-development skills to help them get ..."

"... skills, trades?" Yarber interjected.

"Yeah, some skills, some trades, and after that there, see if we can get them and put them on some jobs."

"OK, alright," the mayor responded, adding that the City had started a program called Jackson 500 Workforce Development Program, working with Hinds Community College and Working Together Jackson, to teach Jacksonians "trades" like plumbing and welding. Applicants don't need a GED or diploma to be accepted. "Two guys actually were homeless, and they're actually staying on campus at Hinds now," Yarber said. "But we've got to figure out a way to get more people involved in it and to pay for the folks. Right now I think it's about 70 people we got engaged."

Contrary to myths, people in areas like the Addition do want to work, Yarber adds, and they want to learn skills.

"If we talk to 25 people, you may have two who have turned down an opportunity to go to school for free. You may. And I don't mean math, reading and English. I'm talking about an opportunity to go to take some kind of trade," he said.

The Vital 'Wraparound' Net

"Opportunities, education" are answers for neighborhoods like the Washington Addition, Yarber said, as the bus again eased forward. The mayor then connected the dots on what is needed to get there: First, pre-K kids need a quality early-childhood program that increases their ability to read when they enter kindergarten.

Then, "if they have that ability to read by third grade, of course, and they're at or above grade-level, the sky's the limit. We get them in a high school that offers them both college and career-readiness opportunities because everybody's not interested in going to college." They get job training, and then put into a job. Through the process, the young people may need mental-health or substance-abuse services right in the community, he said.

That "wraparound" approach may sound simple, but it is tough with under-funded schools in areas where the majority of children live in poverty—a key crime precursor—such as at nearby Jim Hill High School, and a state Legislature that defends less funding for schools with the biggest academic challenges by pointing to more affluent schools as a reason that money is not needed to improve schools.

"So education is going to open the door to opportunities. ... We've got to create a stronger feeder system over here," said Yarber, who has degrees from University of Southern Mississippi and JSU. "The system for this area has to be functional. We can't just have a great elementary program but not have a great middle program. We must have a great middle program, a great high school program, and then most importantly, there's got to be some kind of cohesive systemic pre-K program that's able to feed into these elementary schools so they have a chance of making it."

Once those doors are open and the necessary educational pieces are in place, it will unlock opportunities for children of color who now just don't have access to them. "See right now, if you quit school in 10th grade, and you quit because you never been successful anyway, then you don't have a whole lot of opportunities," Yarber said.

"There ain't a whole lot for you to do other than sell dope or sell other things that aren't legal, so we've got to make sure that we create a successful feeder program for Washington Addition."

"Of course," Yarber added, "everything is about money, but there are enough people in the city, in the communities, who do this stuff professionally anyway, somewhere. They can actually create cooperations that offer those opportunities, too, whether it's a couple of nights a week through volunteerism, through philanthropy. I think it's there, but how we put all of it together, how we pull all this pie-in-the-sky that I'm talking about down to the ground, you know, it's not something that's going to happen overnight."

The 225 Most At-risk Teens

By the time the bus carrying Yarber and the Youth Media Project arrived at Lee Elementary in south Jackson, Yarber was talking about the worsening problem of crime in that part of town—a "microcosm" of demographics, with black, white, Asian and Latino citizens.

"Lee Elementary for years was one of the lowest-performing schools in the city," Yarber said, standing in the heat outside the bus as a YMP video and photography team surrounded him like paparazzi. "They got some different leadership here now, and I think that they're doing a lot more community engagement kinds of things, and so they're actually turning that around."

It's also a more dangerous community now than it used to be. "Precinct 1 has really started leading the way in crime reduction," he said, "but the crime was so high that—I don't want to say this the wrong way because I don't want to make my chief mad—but how relevant is that data to the people who live in these houses, right?"

A January 2016 report about the precursors of Jackson crime by BOTEC Analysis Corp., commissioned by Attorney General Jim Hood and paid for by the state Legislature, showed that Wingfield High School in south Jackson is leading the other city's other high schools in percentage of students who have been charged with a serious offense (6.9 percent), a very serious offense (1.4 percent) or served time in the adult criminal-justice system (12 percent).

One problem is poor re-entry after prison. "Statistically, a vast majority of those folks who are returning to the city from having done crime, having done time—over 50 percent of them—are in south Jackson. That's real-life re-entry data," Yarber said. "So if we've got 600 folks that are returning to the city (from prison) every year, over half of them are in south Jackson."

Dealing with re-entry—helping former criminals get jobs and start over—is a challenge tat Jackson doesn't meet very well, Yarber said. It a coordination problem—"in silos, they're doing good work"— but without an overall map of who is doing what for which person leaving the system.

That means many ex-cons slip through the cracks without proper help to avoid resorting back to crime. Many of them end up re-offending, often with worse crimes, especially if they cannot get a job and support themselves or their families, thus extending the crime cycle.

BOTEC reported on the re-entry problem. "Educational programs appear to be limited," it warned. "Programs are available to provide school for juvenile inmates and there are programs to get a GED ... However, not all inmates can get into the program, and equipment is lacking."

Yarber points to the City's Fresh Start program to put some previous offenders back to work, but it's not enough, he said. That is a primary reason that he convened the City of Jackson Criminal Justice Report Taskforce this summer to take a systemic look at the holes in the net and come up with recommendations to plug them. "This re-entry task force, it features folks from the federal system, the state system, local agencies." They had regular meetings in police headquarters downtown and have issued preliminary recommendations.

"But we just haven't figured out, yet, how to just create this seamless re-entry program that gets folks back to work, gets folks training, but folks are doing good stuff," Yarber said.

The BOTEC report found that such coordination is sorely lacking in Jackson, meaning that too many young people who could be saved end up committing crime. The strongest predictors, it found, are in children who have failed a grade, dropped out, or been chronically absent from school, or who have been involved in the criminal-justice system. Using those risk factors, researchers drilled down into the 30,000 students enrolled in Jackson Public Schools, and predicted that 5 percent, or 1,500, would be arrested at some point; 2.2 percent, or 660, for a serious crime like drug dealing or robbery; and .44 percent, or 132, for a very serious crime such as murder, manslaughter or rape.

Researchers advised, however, that an organized effort to focus "wraparound services" on "a target efficiency group" could use the top two indicators—drop-outs and school absence, and juvenile and criminal arrests—to narrow the list of young people in the needed "treatment population" down to 225 JPS students. Many of those are in the four high schools with the highest percentage of those who commit crimes—Wingfield, Lanier, Provine and Jim Hill. Those schools also have high rates of poverty among the children who attend them, which is a key crime indicator.

The mayor said Jackson must get organized enough to target kids at the highest risk, who don't always get the services they need. "One of the things I think the (BOTEC) report didn't do is it didn't drill down beyond saying they were at risk," Yarber said. "So then you've got to drill down and ask questions about what are their risks. Then you determine what those interventions are. And that hasn't been done."

Yarber hopes his task force's findings will help lead to specific ways to reach and redirect those 225 young people. "So those 225 that we're talking about. Not only must they be identified here, but ... then there must be a specific strategic intervention put in place," Yarber said at Millsaps College.

In a systemic way that has probably never been done in Jackson, Yarber's task force has identified problems from lack of mental-health services, to overcoming media perception about crime, to lack of re-entry services, to economic causes of family breakdown, to lack of parental guidance and accountability for juvenile offenders.

The BOTEC report agreed that "deficiencies in family structure," "weak bonds," lack of social capital" and "low supervision" are important, but strongly recommended getting past blaming parents or anyone else. "This study tracks the 'life course' followed by individuals from childhood into and out of the public schools, veering into early encounters with law enforcement and then the juvenile justice system, and finally into incarceration as a result of serious, often violent crimes," BOTEC stated.

The answer is getting organized and taking actions to fill the gaps, it warned. "Rather than dwelling on the incendiary issue of who is to blame, the (attorney general) has asked us for solutions that could interrupt the status quo, which currently generates an intolerably high crime rate."

'The Same Cycles of Loss'

Young people in Jackson's most challenged neighborhoods often don't "live" in one place for very long; instead they bounce around from place to place, often staying with only one or no parent due to the long cycle of poverty, drug abuse and selling, violence and incarceration that destroys families. (Many with federal charges are sent out of state, too far for families to visit.) Many young Jacksonians tell similar stories.

"My mama was smoking (crack) so she wasn't stable at all," one parolee told BOTEC researchers. "... [M]y grandmamma, she'll get tired of it and whatever and send me off to my auntie, then I'll go stay with my mama when she get halfway straight. Then she don't be all the way straight so I'll have to go back and live with my grandmamma. Something like that."

The cycle usually repeats itself, and then often spreads to offspring, if not interrupted. "[M]any participants in this study were repeating the same cycles of loss that they had experienced as children; having lost their own parents to incarceration, they were now separated from spouses and their children," BOTEC reported.

It's a cycle that can seem hopeless, especially in a city with as few resources to stop it as Jackson. The mayor can seem frustrated at the enormity of the task, even as he tries to get the agencies organized to deal with it. "After you do a $500,000 study to say what the issue is," he said during the bus ride with YMP, "there also needs to be some money (to deal with it)."

Yarber wants all the programs in the mix evaluated well. "I don't really think that we've been able to capture best practices, because we haven't been able to look at the best data because we haven't had programs that are structured well enough to do that," he said. When he arrived in City Hall, Yarber added, "there were a lot of studies done and on those shelves."

Ignoring the best research also means that the default answer to crime in Jackson, is increased police presence and incarceration. That's a mistake, BOTEC warns, especially for juveniles: "Corrections do not provide correction." In fact, incarceration is a key indicator for recidivism—re-offending, and often for worse crimes.

Since the 1970s, BOTEC reports, the United States has preferred punishment over rehabilitation, which in turn means that prisoners and thus ex-offenders typically show "low educational attainment, unemployment, substance abuse, mental-health problems and relationship instability."

Contact with the criminal-justice system is especially bad for kids, and ultimately the community at large.

"Juveniles who spent time in correctional facilities are more likely to drop out of high school and be on public assistance later in life," BOTEC warned. "Boys who were locked up are less likely to desist from criminal activities in adulthood and have significantly more problems associated with alcohol abuse. Girls who are incarcerated are more likely to become single parents, drop out of high school, and suffer from the effects of poverty and mental distress."

Not to mention, criminal activity is common within Mississippi's jail and prison walls. "Illegal stuff going on here affects me," one female inmate told BOTEC.

"I don't want to be punished for something I haven't done."

Corrections Don't Correct

The negative effects of the criminal-justice system don't happen just inside detention-center walls; they occur right on the streets in Jackson's neighborhoods, the city's young people say.

Marzavier "Zeakyy" Harrington, now a Youth Media Project student journalist, writes about a cop punching him in the stomach while he was in handcuffs last year when he was 16, after his friend flipped off the police.

Young Jacksonians often see police arrest everyone involved in a fight rather than investigating to find the ones who attacked other young people. These kinds of blanket police responses and assumptions that certain kinds of young people are guilty and hopeless, a policing attitude not unique to Jackson, prolong historic distrust between officers of all races and people of color.

Instead, Yarber said, Police Chief Lee Vance wants to help lead his officers into a real "community policing" approach to get to know the young people of the neighborhoods—and to help them.

That is, instead of arresting them from flipping off the police, try to get to know them and steer them a different direction.

Chief Vance said at his own JFP One-on-One Conversation at Millsaps College on May 10 that even as a child, he knew police often overreacted and used intimidation tactics. "My philosophy is the community-oriented perspective," Vance said. Traditionally, community policing means that officers get out of their cars, walk the beat and get to know citizens, including troubled young people, building trust.

"We talk about this stuff weekly, daily, in roll calls," Vance said at Millsaps. "Don't get the wrong impression: We're going to enforce the law, (but) a violent episode doesn't have to occur every time you arrest somebody. As police administrators, it's up to us to say, 'This is how we're going to operate. If you don't want to operate like this, you should probably go somewhere else.'"

Better trust, and the belief that law enforcement officers are treating them fairly, can lower crime in an at-risk population, BOTEC reported.

"Police officers and folks who are in that position of trust need to really work to have those kind of opportunities," Yarber said at Millsaps College.

Yarber emphasized that adults helped him get second chances when he messed up as a kid. Once after he was involved in a gang fight, cops came to his school to get him. But the principal stood up for him, and they let him go." Still, the mayor came dangerously close to entering the system, which BOTEC reports would make it more likely that he kept re-offending.

That's why the 225 kids and others need caring adults to stand up for them, Yarber said. "It is not necessarily the issue of the village, but it is definitely an issue of people who are in contact with you," Yarber said. "We just have to get to a place where we get out of our bubble."

Yarber used himself to make the point that young people in neighborhoods like Sub 2 can easily go "good" or "bad," and sometimes it comes down to whether they were swept up into the criminal-justice system at an early age or managed to avoid it.

"The only reason I am the mayor is because I didn't get caught. And that's just me being real. It's not that I was just so good; it's just that I didn't get caught doing stuff," he said. "It's just that when I was standing on Turner and Dewey (streets) holding crack in a Tylenol bottle, they didn't stop me. That's how come I am the mayor."

Also read: "Solutions to Heartbreaking Violence"

Additional reporting and interviewing by Ryan Perry and Donna Ladd. Members of the 2016 Mississippi Youth Media Project (youthmediaproject.com) produced this story. Read a longer version on their journalism site, jxnpulse.com. Email info@youthmediaproject for information on how to publish the students' work, as well as how to help and mentor YMP students and help sponsor the Youth Media Project. Read the JFP's "Preventing Violence" series at jfp.ms/preventingviolence.

Try This at Home

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While they have a sullied reputation health-wise, eggs are great in the beauty department. File Photo

While it's nice to get a facial or a blow-out sometimes, taking care of your skin or hair or nails doesn't always have to be a big deal. Some ingredients you can find in your home have beauty and health benefits. Here are some of them and a few ways you can put them to use.

Coconut oil

While it's a healthy oil to cook with, you can also use coconut oil for home beauty remedies. If you use it for treatments, make sure to choose unrefined organic coconut oil.

Uses—Lotion, an eye makeup remover, shaving cream or a hair mask; you can even use a small amount of it as an anti-frizz treatment.

Deep conditioner: Apply a little bit to your hair, brush the strands and pile your hair into a loose bun. Make sure to put a towel over your pillow or something over your hair while you sleep so you don't get the oil everywhere. When you wake up, shampoo your hair as usual.

Apple cider vinegar

It makes for great sauces, dressings and more, but it's also handy to use in your beauty routine.

Uses—Acne fighter: Wipe a vinegar-filled cotton ball across your skin.

Remove buildup on your hair: Mix one cup of vinegar with one cup of water. After shampooing, pour on your head, massage it in and then let it sit for five minutes before you rinse it out. Use this treatment only once a week, though.

Toner: For oily skin, mix one part vinegar and one part water, apply the solution with a cotton ball, leave it on your skin for two minutes and then rinse it off with cold water. For normal skin, use one part vinegar and two parts water, and for sensitive skin, use one part vinegar and four parts water.

Olive oil

It's versatile in the kitchen, but it also has many uses for beauty and overall well-being.

Uses—Hair mask: Warm a little olive oil in the microwave, massage it on the roots and ends, leave it in for 10 to 20 minutes and then use shampoo to remove.

Lip scrub: Combine one part olive oil with one part coarse sugar, add lemon juice and then rub it on your lips.

Cuticle softener: rub it on the cuticles of your nails.

Eggs

While they have a sullied reputation health-wise, they're great in the beauty department.

Uses—Toning the skin: Whip an egg until it becomes frothy and then apply it to your face and neck. When it's dry, rise it in warm water.

A mask for oily hair: Whip an egg white and apply it through the strands. Leave for 30 minutes and then shampoo your hair.

Firm pores and acne treatment: Separate the egg white from the yolk. Beat the egg white until it's a foam. Apply it to a clean face and let it sit for 20 minutes. After that, rinse it off with warm water.


Mississippi Music of 2016 (So Far)

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Over the years, I've done plenty of interviews with local Jackson acts and nationally known recording artists, and I've been surprised at how many of the same topics of conversation come up for both.

One of the most common is the concept of "home base," the location where bands or solo artists choose to record music, tour out of and advocate on behalf of. Naturally, some feel the need to relocate to the handful of "cities where music gets made," including Nashville, Los Angeles and New York City. However, as any of Mississippi's myriad entertainers will tell you, there's no shortage of great music getting made right here.

For proof, I submit this whopping list of new albums, EPs, mixtapes and singles that Mississippi-based artists have released in 2016 so far.

For updates, visit jfp.ms/msalbums.

Aaron Coker—"I'll Ride" EP

AJC & the Envelope Pushers—"Fallen Star"

Alex Fraser/Standard Issues—"After the Fact" Split-EP (Elegant Trainwreck)

Alexander Fre$co—"Flex"

Anna Livi—"Chasing Visions"

Argiflex—"Throatless" (Bedlam Tapes)

Ben Ford—"Breather" EP

Big K.R.I.T.—"12for12" Mixtape

Brian Jones—"New Days" Single

Briar Lunar—"Love Struck" Single

Carlos Danger—"Now That's What I Call Carlos Danger, Volume Two"

Chad Wesley Band—"The Liberation LP" (Karma Records)

Clouds & Crayons—"Love Soliloquy" (Homework Town Records/Elegant Trainwreck)

Codetta South—"A Few Regrets"

Coke Bumaye—"Keys to the Streetz" Single

Cue Cards—"~​~​~" EP

the CUT—"the DAEH EP"

D. Horton—"The Sessions 2"

Dead Gaze—"Easy Travels" (Ernest Jenning Record Co.)

devMaccc—"Euphoria" EP

Dream Cult—"Weekend" (Old Flame Records)

Empty Atlas—"House Fire" Single

Festivals/Phargo.—"Festivals//Phargo" Split-EP

Fides—"Across the Yard"

Finding Peace in Gunshots—"3:00" Single

Grady Champion—"One of a Kind" (DeChamp Records/Malaco Records)

Hartle Road—"Maxx" (Arkam Records)

The Holy Ghost Electric Show—"Sinai" EP

Holy Vision—"King Cash"

HVY YETI—"E.P. 1"

if i die in mississippi—"keep everything"

J. Skyy—"Focus"

Jason Miller Band—"Dirt on Me" Single

Jason Turner—"Reset" (Old Trace Records/Malaco Records)

Jimbo Mathus—"Band of Storms" EP (Big Legal Mess/Fat Possum Records)

jj Thames—"Raw Sugar" (DeChamp Records/Malaco Records)

John Paul Dove—"My Son, the Brawler" EP

Justin Peter Kinkel-Schuster—"Laid Low" (Big Legal Mess/Fat Possum Records)

K. Gautier—"The Prevailing"

KB Killa—"Method to My Madness"

Kerry Thomas—"After the High"

Lil Lonnie—"T.K.W.G.O. 2"

Living Together—"Esperanza" EP

Lo Noom—"Pretty Woman" EP

Messages—"New Year" EP

Metaphive—"The Divergence" (S.P.V. Records)

Miles Flatt—"White Flag" and "Cowboy Dream" Singles

Mr. Fluid—"The Sowing"

Oh Jeremiah—"The Other End of Passing Time"

Patrick Stumped— "No Bukowski" Single

Prymo Linan—"The broly. EP"

PyInfamous—"10th Wonder" Mixtape

Ray Kincaid—"Artistic Depression"

Sam Mooney—"Find My Way" EP

Satellite Company—"Satellite Company" EP

Seeker & Servant—"Sojourner" EP

Seth Power—"Show Me" EP

Silas—"The Day I Died"

Spirituals—"THEY"

Stace & Cassie—"The Ruins" (Old Trace/Malaco Records)

Stevie J Blues—"Cradle Robber" Single

Stonewalls—"Change the Subject" EP

Surfwax—"Surfwax EP"

Swear Tapes—"Cherish the Cabin" Cassette

Tanner Gray—"The Peddlers" EP

The Tallahatchies—"Still with Me"

Teneia—"Reference" Single

Tyler Keith & the Apostles—"Do It for Johnny"

Water Spaniel—"Live at the Hi-Tone" EP

Yung Jewelz—"Hipster Talk"

Pretty Holidays

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This Christmas, don't forget that your loved ones should feel beautiful and pampered, too. Here are some items from local stores that can help.

Zipper pouch, $5.95, Beemon Drugs
Bronzer brush, $9.89, Beemon Drugs
BearCreek Herbals lotion bar, $8.50, Fair Trade Green
Fairhope Soy Candle Company sugar scrub, $19.95, Beemon Drugs
Library of Flowers perfume, $59.50, Fresh Ink
Stephanie Johnson makeup bag, $62, Fresh Ink
Lumbar pack, $30, Fair Trade Green
Cine' African Black Soap, $17.49 a pound, Rainbow Co-Op
Mississippi Bees soap, $5.39, Rainbow Co-Op
Mississippi Bees soap, $5.39, Rainbow Co-Op
Mississippi Bees baby and massage oil, $5.77, Rainbow Co-Op
Jon Hart travel bag, $126, Fresh Ink
Clutch, $24.95, Beemon Drugs

Where 2 Shop

Rainbow Co-Op (2807 Old Canton Road, 601-366-1602)

Fair Trade Green (2807 Old Canton Road, 601-366-1602)

Beemon Drugs (1220 E. Northside Drive, 601-366-9431)

Fresh Ink (4465 Interstate 55 N., Suite 205, 601-982-0235)

Community Through Song

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Jerry Jenkins plays an African drum for fourth-grade students at McLaurin Elementary School in Natchez. The Mississippi Alliance of Arts Education funded the drum for the students.

Jerry Jenkins wouldn't call himself a percussionist. The owner of Jackson-based Hasan Drums does play West African drums, including the djembe, and other instruments such as the 21-stringed kora, but his primary role is as a storyteller and promoter of community.

Jenkins grew up in Vicksburg, moving to live with his father in Chicago for a while after his parents divorced. He returned to Vicksburg to live with his mom and remained a resident there until moving to Jackson about four years ago.

Through Hasan Drums, which he started about three years ago, Jenkins takes African drums to schools, businesses and organizations to offer services such as art therapy and to assist in building group cooperation. He also runs an arts-integrated community-development nonprofit called Djeliya, designs West African drums, and likes to teach African language through stories and songs.

Jenkins says: "One thing that I would say kind of sets me apart from a lot of other percussionists—because I'm not really a percussionist—is that I integrate or bring people into the environment of what is the West African community and let them see how that community is also a part of the bigger world, where people come together to communicate, socialize, celebrate, organize and help keep some of their moral character in their lives."

The Jackson Free Press sat down with him in the fall to talk about art, music and how to affect change in the community.

Why did you move to Jackson?

I wanted to always say God, but I think I was more or less inspired by the opportunities that were more available in Jackson than (there are) in some other places, which I mean opportunities with what I do as an artist. I think Jackson is more suited for me. I guess I don't want to say (it's a) staging ground, but the opportunities are more needed here.

What drew you to designing and playing West African drums?

It started out as a cultural need for myself. Growing up and the times I spent in Chicago, there were a lot of things that were changing in communities that left people like me less likely to grow up and have any cultural ties or any culture at all.

How did you first discover the drums?

In my quest to ... be well-rounded. I had a teacher who described that term to me when I was in school. (The teacher) talked about people being "well-rounded." That meant that they read a lot of books; they could talk about philosophy, proverbs, even satire, comical things; tasted different foods; spoke more than one language—a person that is, like you'd say, dexterous. So I spent a lot of my time trying to be well rounded, and the two things that I felt like I really lacked were a musical instrument to play and the ability to dance.

I actually took a trip to New Orleans in the late 1990s, and prior to this, a friend of mine, she was an African dancer in Jackson, she introduced me to the djembe drum. After she introduced me to it, I was interested, but I went to an opera, and when I say I went to an opera, I went to a West African opera. And in that opera, I saw people play the drums, (people) with the same ethnicity as myself, and right then, I said, "That's what I'm missing. I have no idea about this drum."

I had no idea about the songs they were singing, the story they were telling, but I could see that it was related to me. And so, like I said, growing up in Chicago and not having that real definition of culture, not really tied to a religion like I should be, or the only language I knew was English. The only people I knew were mainly African American people, but that didn't define my culture. ... Michael Jackson's music was influencing people, and ... (Michael) Jordan, they were wearing his tennis shoes. That's how we kind of defined ourselves—the shoes we bought, maybe the kind of music we listened to, but it was never the kind of music we produced ourselves.

... I ended up going to school at Hinds (Community College in Raymond), and when I did, ... I just played the drums. It wasn't for anybody. It was just me playing the drums, and a lot of people were like, "Well, this is something that's needed in our community." So I started doing it mainly to teach young people, and I think, eventually, after giving a lot to people, and I was giving a lot free, I started realizing that I needed a better definition of what I was doing because people made me into a babysitter. I'd say, "Hey, I'm going to give the kids a lesson in the park today," and then they'd bring the kids, and they'd drop the kids off, and then I might get a call saying, "I ain't going to be back for another two hours. Would you watch them until I get back?"

... I wasn't structured. I wasn't getting what I felt was the best of people, so I had to stop. I reevaluated everything, and I started looking at things as—I wouldn't just say a business. I started looking to see how effective I could be without it being such a burden on myself. So I took a break for a while. ... In that six years that I took a break, I never stopped playing. I never stopped loving the drum. But I said, "I need to do it more effectively." ... Another thing that changed was that I had a child (Tshomba), and I knew I needed to have income. I was certified as a personal trainer, I was working as a personal trainer, but it just wasn't I guess what I was really supposed to be.

That's when I remembered somebody telling me about an artist that was a storyteller. Because this was the thing: When I had my first child, I said, "What if I wouldn't be there to teach him everything I wanted to teach him? What if something were to happen to me, and there are some lessons that he needed, and I couldn't be there?" ... I started writing stories, and in those stories, the things that I was looking for to be well-rounded, I was trying to put (them) in the form of a story that he can get. I remember when he was just in his mom's womb, I would sing songs to him, tell him stories, play the drums, and when he was born, certain things got his attention very quickly and one of them was the drum.

Tell me a story.

One of the stories that I do is called "Baga Gine" (pronounced "bah-ga ghin-ee"). ... It's a song that says, "Will she dance, or will she not dance a dance?" And then it goes on ... and says again, "Will she dance, or will she not dance a dance?" And then it says, "Oh, can you believe it? The Baga Gine (even dances in the car)."

The question in the song, I took that question: "Will she dance, or will she not dance a dance?" ... (My) story talks about the Baga Gine coming to the children early in the morning, and the children wouldn't ever wake up from their sleep unless they heard her footsteps and the sound of her heartbeat, pounding like a drum in their ears. So when they heard it, they got up, and they ... put on their clothes, washed their faces, dressed themselves, they grabbed their books, and they ran to the bara—the bara is the center place of the community—and there, they would meet the Baga Gine ... and she would teach them about life, how to eat well, how to socialize well, be (well-mannered), and also how to be charitable people.

After she educated the children, she moved over into the marketplace, and there, she would prepare meals for the people who were hungry, those people who couldn't afford to provide food for themselves. After she educated the children, fed the homeless, she also went into the forest, and when she went into the forest, she taught the children how to protect the trees, how to raise their crops, and also how to protect the animals from the hunters. Any time the hunters would come into the forest, they'd listen for the sounds of the animals. If they heard the sound of the lion, then I would (ask) the kids, "On the count of three, what does the lion sound like?" Then they would say, "One, two, three, roar!" They love it.

So I say, "When the hunters gather their nets—" Some of the kids that I have that are actors in this play will get the nets, and they'll find the lion, and just before they throw the net over the lion, the Baga Gine would say in one loud voice, "Stop, leave that lion alone," and when she does, the hunters will run away. But they wouldn't run away far. They'd still be in the forest waiting for the sounds of the animals. But one day, the Baga Gine didn't return to the community, and so the children, they slept, and they wouldn't wake up. The hungry people, because they didn't have any food or anybody to help them, they would pass out in the streets. The animals, because they no longer had the voice of the Baga Gine to help protect them, the hunters captured all the animals and took them away. The gardens started to die, the trees started to die because they no longer had people to help protect them or provide for them.

... So the people, the parents in the community, went to wake their children up because they were very concerned, and children, when they woke, they asked the question, "Will she come back to the community, or will she not come back to the community?" So they gathered all the children, they gathered all the hungry people, and they placed them in cars, and they drove to the home of the Baga Gine, and there, they saw her sad, sitting up under the tree. And so they tried to figure out, "What can we do to make her happy?" And so they decided they were going to sing her a song and play her a rhythm, so the same rhythm that I teach the children is the sound of her footsteps, the sound of her heartbeat. I teach them that. I bring in all the instruments.

... When we talk about the baga gine, when the people decide to cheer her up, the children say, "Let's play her a song. Let's sing her a song. Let's play her a rhythm." And when they played her rhythm and sang her song, she got up and started dancing. This teaches the children ... the true purpose of community. They see how the community was thriving and happy as long as they had the presence of good leadership. They have good examples in the Baga Gine. She was an educator, ... she was charitable.

We've got organizations that we see around the community like Stewpot (Community Services). ... We see organizations like that, a lot of nonprofits, (such as) Operation Shoestring, that come together to try to better human life. We've got the (Mississippi) Humane Society, which really deals with animals so there (are) things out in the community that protect animals, make sure people are not abusing that. You can't just go around (and) blow grass up, push down trees, so this story teaches them, takes life and brings it down to here for the kids so that they can see, "What happens if all of this stuff just goes away?" The threat of it going away is always present when our children don't understand how community (and) society work. I would say those stories are my contribution in a small way.

Tell me about getting your fellowship from the Mississippi Arts Commission in 2015.

The fellowship from the Mississippi Arts Commission was something that I think any artist needs because it kind of provides an opportunity to strive, to be better. The thing about the (fellowship) is, a lot of times, the income I make. It pays my bills, and then sometimes, it can go into me expanding what I do. So if I go to a school, and they tell me, "We have 25 students," and I could bring 25 drums in, to me, that's good. But most of the time, they say, "We have 40 to 50 something students." I have a picture of me engaging 400 students. What kind of surprised me was (that) I was only supposed to be dealing with 40, and the teacher said, "Well, we have 300-something students that we want to just hear what you do." ... It's hard for 300 students to just sit down and listen without saying nothing.

... Before I got that award, I used to have to come to places, and when they have that many kids, I just had to talk as loud as I can because I didn't have audio equipment or the facility. ... I didn't have enough drums to make sure those students could play the instrument. After I received the award ... I used it to buy the audio equipment I needed. I used it to buy drums. I ... used it to develop backdrops because I want to be sure (that) in the course of telling a person a story, I want them to really feel like they're part of that environment. A backdrop would help make that happen.

Over several years, I spent my time trying to define my artistic skills more. At the same time, I strove to create more opportunities for myself to get exposure, and I always kept my original message of trying to provide a service that improves the lives of other people.

Jenkins is currently doing lessons in Madison at St. Francis of Assisi Catholic Church (4000 W. Tidewater Lane, Madison, 601-856-5556) on Fridays from 4:30 to 5:30 p.m. The classes will stop for the holidays and pick back up next year when school starts back. Jenkins will also perform at the Medgar Evers Community Center (3759 Edwards Ave.) Dec. 26-Jan. 1 for the Jackson Community Kwanzaa Celebration. He tentatively plans to restart his free African drum and dance classes in 2017.

For more information, visit hasandrums.com.

A NuRenaissance Before the New Year

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Artist Myron McGowan’s work will be on display at the 14th Annual NuRenaissance Art Showing and Gala on Saturday, Dec. 10, at Freelon’s Da Groove.

Myron McGowan is many things. He is a native Mississippian from rural Foxworth, Miss., who takes style influence from the '70s (no gold chains, though, he says).

He's a Jackson State University graduate twice over, having earned a bachelor's degree in commercial art in 1996, and a master's degree in elementary education in 2009; he's a football coach and a Jackson Public School art teacher; he's a father of five and grandfather of one ("Hopefully holding there for a while," he says); and he's also an artist.

Art has been his love since before he could remember, he says.

"But in rural southern Mississippi, they did not teach art in school, and I filled many notebooks, odd pieces of paper and anything that I could lay my hands with my art," he says. "It wasn't until college that I got some training and met others like myself."

Over the years, he developed what he says is an unorthodox style of oil painting, creating abstract pieces with an Afro-centric twist. Some feature recognizable African-American characters while others are much more abstract.

His signature piece, "Behold Adam," is a single, somber color and has a face protruding through the canvas as if it had just burst through.

"My goal is to bring to life in my viewers' eyes my thoughts and philosophies," he says.

Jacksonians will be able to see McGowan's art first hand at the 14th Annual NuRenaissance Art Showing and Gala, which takes place Saturday, Dec. 10, from 6 to 8 p.m. at Freelon's Da Groove's 440 Grill (440 N. Mill St., 601-949-2535). The event is free and open to the public.

McGowan says he wants to dispel the idea that an art show is a quiet, formal affair with everyone dressed well, sipping wine and talking about the art in hushed undertones.

"Mine is a celebration of my gifts," he says, "and the bar will be open."

For more information and to see some of his most recent work, visit nurenaissance.com.

Saint Nick’s Swamp Tour

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Cajun Christmas is Friday, Dec. 9, at the Mississippi Museum of Natural Science. Photo courtesy James Hill

For the folks at the Mississippi Museum of Natural Science, nothing says Christmas time like coming face to face with bayou critters.

The museum will host its annual Cajun Christmas on Friday, Dec. 9, featuring encounters with swamp animals such as alligators, snakes and snapping turtles, a visit from the Christmas Gator mascot, and Cajun-themed crafts including making ornaments shaped like alligators, beavers and other animals. Children will also be able to play with instant snow, write letters and take photos with Santa Claus—and watch him dive in the museum's aquariums.

One of the main events of the evening is an interactive story time with Trosclair's book, "Cajun Night Before Christmas," first released in 1992. Artist and storyteller Terrence Roberts, who is known as "Da Story Weaver," will narrate the play, and Jonathan Harris, the museum's former environmental educator, will play the part of Papa Noel.

"The play is brief but meaningful and a wonderful way to connect to that Christmas family feeling," Nicole Smith, a naturalist and special-events planner for the museum, says.

Cajun Christmas will also feature performances from the Mississippi Girlchoir and Boychoir, and a walk through the Blissful Christmas Light Trail in the museum's native plant garden. Food truck 2 for 7 Kitchen will also be on site to prepare gumbo and serve hot chocolate.

"Our light trail is a very noncommercial way of celebrating the holiday," Smith said. "It's a quiet, contemplative experience with peaceful Christmas music playing in a natural setting. Many light displays are wonderful but very showy, while this is intended to be a more subtle and touching display."

Cajun Christmas is from 5:30 to 9 p.m., Friday, Dec. 9, at the Mississippi Museum of Natural Science (2148 Riverside Dr., 601-576-6000). Admission is $6 for adults, $5 for seniors, $4 for ages 3 to 18, and free for ages 2 and under. For more information, visit mdwfp.com/museum.aspx.

‘Not a Dungeon’: The Evolving Approach to Juvenile Detention

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The Hinds County Henley-Young Juvenile Justice Center has been the subject of lawsuits, reforms and face-lifts in its struggle to address the roots of juvenile deliquency and crime. Trip Burns/File Photo

Across the pod, from inside the darkness of a cell, two shining circles stared out: the still and steady eyes of a black boy, locked up before he is even a man.

His cell is on the lower floor of the pod, one of four in Henley-Young Juvenile Justice Center. Each pod holds 32 kids in individual cells. Johnnie McDaniels, the executive director of the Henley-Young Juvenile Justice Center, pointed to the chain-link fence of the top floor, sections of which he ordered covered in Plexiglas.

The children leapt from the stairs to the outside of the barrier, McDaniels said, hanging on and climbing around the three-sided room to the frustration of the detention-center staff. After all, they are kids, not adults, and Henley-Young is not a jail.

Holding cells built 20 years ago now sit unused, with yellow and green covering the drab gray paint of yesteryear. The visitation room, a movie-set telephone-through-the-glass set-up, is vacant. Now children meet with their parents in an activity room, under a mural that the kids painted. It feels like a daycare run in an old jail.

Thanks to a federal court order, the building reflects steps by leaders like McDaniels to ensure the facility is not merely a waiting room for adult prison or jail. Toward the end of the tour, McDaniels put his hands up and, with a smile, summed up how far Henley-Young has come.

"Not. A. Dungeon," McDaniels said, laughing, his voice echoing in the empty lobby.

If it isn't one now, it certainly used to be. Just as the facility has changed in appearance, so has the approach of some state detention directors to juvenile justice. Research shows that traditional detention is simply not working as a deterrent to youth crime—and can actually increase it.

In 2015, 10,187 young people from age 7 to 18 were referred to a youth court for a delinquent act. The agencies and people capable of referring these kids include law enforcement, family, schools, socials services, medical or mental professionals and Department of Youth Services or court representative.

The total number of referrals to youth court for the entire state was 18,674.

Some of the children referred to the youth court returned more than once, resulting in 13,388 cases that passed before a youth court or similar set-up in Mississippi during 2015, annual reports from the Division of Youth Services in the Department of Human Services show.

The state's numbers have dropped significantly since 2008, the annual reports show. In 2008, more than 18,500 youth were referred to youth court—today that number is closer to 10,000. The data are not absolute, however, and in reports from 2013-2015, hundreds of youth are "miscoded," meaning they weren't properly recorded and so were not counted.

The racial disparities in Mississippi's juvenile-detention system are vast and have not changed much in almost a decade. Since 2008, more than 60 percent of children referred to youth court for delinquent acts are African American. That percentage remains the same today.

Administrators, county and special-interest groups have chipped away at antiquated practices to make room for rehabilitation and therapy. These efforts attempt to address the core issues that culminate in youth crime, delinquency and recidivism, in Hinds County and across Mississippi.

'Prison-like Environment'

Several interest groups filed a lawsuit in 2012 on behalf of unnamed juvenile offenders who spent time in Henley-Young, citing poor conditions in the facility. Disability Mississippi and the Southern Poverty Law Center settled with the county in an agreement known as a federal consent decree, which included 71 points of improvement that the administration had to meet within four years.

"That's one of the things that I emphasize as a director here, that Southern Poverty (Law Center) and others did a good thing by pointing out some issues, but I think it's the responsibility of directors in places that are going to have the facilities to provide those resources," McDaniels said.

The court recently approved extending the agreement because the county still needs to improve its practices in mental-health care, nutrition, and family support and interaction.

The federal judge assigned monitor Leonard Dixon, who is based in Missouri, to review and report on the facility's progress. Dixon submits regular reports to the court, ranking Henley-Young on a four-step scale from non-compliance to substantial compliance.

"The facility is not pleasing in appearance and has a dungeon-like feeling," Dixon wrote in 2012. "Henley-Young's prison-like environment works against its programming, treatment, and rehabilitative objectives due to its hard, sterile and depressing atmosphere."

In an Oct. 3 interview, Dixon said the detention center's purpose is widely misunderstood. "I think one of the problems is that, not just in Henley-Young, is we have tried in this country to 'adultify' the juvenile-justice system," Dixon said. "Our job in juvenile justice is more complicated than adult detention."

"This is a juvenile-justice system, not a baby adult system," Dixon said.

He said kids tend to be angrier than adults, and more impulsive. Their decision-making, muddied by immaturity and growth-related issues, lacks the understanding of consequences most adults have.

"That's why you spend a lot of time with them, because they are not mature enough to understand the consequences of their behavior," Dixon said.

"That doesn't mean that there are not consequences for their behavior. There's a difference."

Altering the approach to children in jail involves change from decision-makers who prefer detention. "The community has to say that we are going to treat our kids as people, that we don't see them as little adults," Dixon said.

Problems outside the reach of the justice system, such as family issues, Dixon said, can lead parents, teachers and others to support detention over rehabilitation as a quick, punitive fix to a long and complicated problem. It isn't.

"The first thing that happens is, we say let's lock them up, that's going to resolve the issue," Dixon said.

"But if that's going to resolve the issue, shouldn't we have less kids in detention?"

'Trying to Get to an A'

Now, four years and several directors later, McDaniels walks through the detention center pointing to improvements, like the paint. In his Jan. 27, 2016, report, Dixon listed the facility as in non-compliance with 26 out of the 71 points, an improvement over previous years.

The 71 points cover every aspect of Henley-Young, from aesthetics to when to handcuff the children.

One of the most important changes since McDaniels took over is the court-ordered reduction in the number of children housed in Henley-Young and for how long. Dixon's report stated that the facility did not provide enough staff to care for the population of children, much less the maximum capacity of 84, when the federal court first approved the consent decree. Today, the facility has a limit of 32 children, matched to the level of funding available. Before, according to Dixon's reports, the detention officers would be stretched thin, leaving some children locked up in their cells for hours because the staff could not control them in such large numbers.

Now, McDaniels said, the numbers barely reach the 30s on a daily basis.

Henley-Young also upgraded its technology, installing a full-facility surveillance system. Eddie Burnside, director of operations at Henley-Young, explained that the addition of digital surveillance adds another layer of safety. Now, the nerve center of the facility includes 54 cameras on a large flat-screen monitor showing every room.

"This is like the brains of the facility," Burnside said. "Wherever we have kids present, (the worker) can pull it up and see them."

The facility's administrators use the intercoms to speak directly to the area they wish, and the radios to communicate with detention officers throughout the facility. On this day, the cameras showed children outside doing pushups on the basketball court, some in an activity room in the center of the facility and several empty rooms.

The cameras follow the children everywhere, starting from their admittance in a booking area not unlike those found in county jails. A wide, deep desk sits facing a ring of holding cells, which McDaniels and Burnside said are now never used.

When admitting the children, Henley-Young staffers ask if they require health care, administer them mental-health evaluations and lead them back to begin the orientation process. The children sit down at little cubicles next to the booking desk, filling out the survey in an officer's presence.

If any of the children score high enough on the mental assessment—itself an improvement since early monitor's reports—to need services, Henley-Young staffers separate them from the group for constant observation until they can get mental-health attention. In general, kids take the 15-minute test seriously, Burnside said, because they know a high score means more staff attention, and possibly a longer stay, which most in his experience want to avoid.

"Slowly but surely, we are moving away from a punishment-type system here, but that is another battle for another day," McDaniels said, adding that the consent decree allows him and his staff to apply national standards to Henley-Young.

For instance, the county built Henley-Young with a jail-style visitation room, but now the children meet with their parents in the main activity room, where the child and parent can touch and talk. Such important and soothing aspects contribute to healthy rehabilitation, he said.

Some physical facility aspects are unavoidable. Each tiny cell has bare cinder-block walls with a miniscule window and a matching mini-bed. Twin concrete blocks jut out from the wall and together form a rudimentary desk. An adult male's body fills the cell, similar to the adult county jail in Raymond.

McDaniels' solution to keep the children out of the cells is a long day full of activities. On the day of the tour, a deluge of rain interrupts the play outside on the basketball court. McDaniels said he asked the Hinds County Board of Supervisors for a cover for the court at a recent update meeting. He is hopeful he can secure more funding for the facility in upcoming years.

Poor nutrition is a common problem the children bring to detention. McDaniels touts the "B" rating the kitchen received, adding that the children receive free meals and snacks while there.

"Our breakfast, lunch and dinner program is actually certified, so I actually get money back," McDaniels said, adding that providing higher-quality meals has made the facility $26,000 so far since he took over. "We are trying to get to an A."

"This was a big thing, to make sure that the kitchen was cleaned," he said.

Room to Improve

McDaniels readily admits the facility and its operations both still need improvement. For instance, although Jackson Public Schools runs the Henley-Young school, providing a comparable education to what the children left when detained poses a constant problem. Detaining children contributes to their inevitable inability to keep up with their peers when they are released. This delay increases chances the child will continue to cycle in and out of the facility.

"Your education has to maintain itself," McDaniels said. "You can't come from a regular school setting and come into a detention-school setting and somehow miraculously you are going to keep up to the degree that you can leave here after 90 days and keep going. You are probably going to be behind, and then you are going to end up quitting, and that is the last thing you want a kid to do."

Coming soon are three full-time case managers, set to occupy offices directly adjacent to the pods. McDaniels said the case managers will follow the children through the juvenile-justice system, assisting with mental-health or substance-abuse therapy, satisfying the consent decree.

The county recently approved an influx of money, a budget shift of $190,000, to set up a full-time mental-health staff, moving the funds from the youth court, for one year. McDaniels said the new case managers will help the two workers they have on staff now, as well as move the center closer to consent-decree compliance.

While the county did shift funds, the move from another department—in this case the youth court—during tightening government budgets makes asking for more financial resources difficult. This year McDaniels had the consent decree and a federal order behind him, but a new U.S. president means uncertainty over whether the center can count on federal support, whether legal or through grants.

"In this age of austerity that not only engulfs Mississippi but across the country, the commitment to providing social services just has not been on the radar," McDaniels said. "The answer to that is no, the funding is not always there."

Facing tighter budgets every year, Henley-Young may need to look to other programs in the state for solutions, starting with the country next door.

Rankin 'Wraparound'

If it weren't for the tall fences, you could mistake the Rankin County Youth Detention Center for one of the newer schools in Madison County, like Ridgeland High School and its architectural copy-cat, the high school in Gluckstadt.

Inside, the center's administrative offices are modern and polished, but the stone floors leading to where it detains kids are an unfriendly gray. Laminated posters on the blue walls remind the children of the center's expectations for behavior.

Rankin County has been using this building since September 2011; the original center in Pearl suffered from structural issues. Before it constructed its first detention center, the county shipped children to Lauderdale County.

"The county was growing rapidly at the time, and the county thought it best to have a facility where its children could be housed locally, and the kids could be near their parents and their school systems, and also have the ability where they could have their probation officers and counselors and court staff nearby," Youth Court Judge Thomas Broome said at the center.

In this Pelahatchie building, Broome works out of the youth court attached to the actual detention center. A Mississippi State alumnus, Broome keeps a Bully the Bulldog mask beneath his bench and tries to keep kids out of youth detention as much as possible by helping provide them with mental-health services. Still, for those kids in need of detention, he said, it's beneficial to have the facilities near their homes.

"It's important that the family stays involved with the child and visits on a regular basis, and being close in the community helps that because transportation is often an issue for some of these folks," Broome said.

The local facility also fosters community engagement.

"It allows for the community to serve as a wraparound by being involved with the children," he said, adding that community members can praise the children for positive behavior they observe.

"If you have a kid who's connected with the place they're from, then it gives them better grounding so they don't want to do anything to cause harm to themselves or cause harm to the community," he said.

The facility gets no money from the State, save from the Department of Education. The Rankin County Board of Supervisors provides the primary funding stream—meaning the county's taxpayers foot the bill. But Rankin County has the second highest per-capita income in Mississippi, 2010 census data show, and the investment in the youth detention center pays off. It partners with REACH Mississippi, which also funds facility-wide PBIS program—a "positive behavior interventions and supports" systems that focus on rewarding successes over punishing over mistakes. That alliance contributes to Rankin County's status as a model detention center in the state, with a low rate of recidivism, or re-offending.

For Henley-Young, setting up such a program faces the same obstacle as other parts of the facility: a lack of consistent leadership. Three detention-school principals served at Henley-Young in the last four years, a January report states.

Dixon retained Carol Cramer, an expert in education in youth detention, to study the center. She said in a report that Jackson Public Schools should install a permanent administrator.

"The constant change in leadership in the school program has had a negative impact on the ability of the school program to make progress on the recommendations in the compliance reports or toward best in general," Cramer wrote.

"Constantly changing leadership means the administration and staff is always having to adjust to a new leadership style and philosophy and never getting to address the issues at hand, i.e. the compliance requirements or the issues that are keeping the school program from excelling."

Avoiding Police Cars

The crepe myrtles surrounding the Adams County juvenile-justice building were in full bloom last summer, a lasting remnant of community-service work that the youth court judge there assigned to kids instead of locking them up inside it.

On a single day in July, only two of the 13 kids inside were from Adams County, a testament to the county's work to keep kids out of detention and in their communities instead. The work comes from what the juvenile-detention center's administrator Henry Upshaw calls "synergy" among his staff, the youth court led by Judge Walt Brown and local law enforcement officials.

The youth court there uses alternatives to detention from electronic monitoring to drug courts to community service to keep kids out of detention as much as possible, an effort both Brown and Upshaw support in the southwest Mississippi county.

"So there's a statistic that kind of hit me in the face when I heard it: just by putting a kid into the back of a police car, that drops his likelihood of graduating high school by 50 percent, so we try to avoid at all if we can," Upshaw said.

Electronic monitoring, which means using thick ankle bracelets to track and monitor a kid's whereabouts, is largely to thank for the county's major drop in detaining kids in the past few years.

On July 12, Upshaw listed eight kids from Adams County who wore ankle bracelets, monitored electronically. Upshaw can open the monitoring phone app and can scroll through the list of names of kids with bracelets. Once he clicks on a name, he can see their current location and every morning when he gets in to work, he can print out their path from the day before.

Both Brown and Upshaw admitted that the kids do not like the ankle bracelets. The court can use bracelets on a scale, what Upshaw calls "graduated sanctions." The lowest level, Upshaw said, is when he puts the bracelet on the kid but does not activate it, so it is not actually doing anything. The next levels range from tracking to house arrest. Judge Brown will use electronic monitoring as both an alternative to detention before and after a kid is picked up. Brown also assigns community service regularly as a punishment, if a child is found guilty.

The Adams County Juvenile Detention Center remains open because, Judge Brown said, his predecessor Judge John Hudson showed the county how much money it would save keeping the juvenile-detention center open. It is costly to send kids across the state to another county like many counties around the state do.

Not all counties in the state have a juvenile-detention facility, and consequently must send their kids sentenced to secure detention to one of the state's other juvenile detention centers. For example, Lee County Juvenile Detention Center serves 21 counties in the state, besides housing their children, their administrator Lt. Ronnie Partlow said during a phone interview.

Adams County charges other counties around $110 per day to hold a child in secure detention, not including costs for counties to send their kids to Adams County, back for their court hearing, and then back again (if found guilty of something that warrants detention).

"Alternatives to detention save money whether you're housing them in your county or whether you're transporting them to another county," Upshaw said. "The pressure was on to close down the center, but when we went through and crunched some numbers, and we showed them how much it was going to cost to transport a child three times, (that changed)."

Part of what Upshaw believes is different about his staff and the system in Adams County is that everyone cares.

"If the state has to make me care about the kids, I'm in the wrong business," Upshaw said. "Nobody from the state should have to make me come and care about these kids; I care about these kids, whether their rights are being violated or not."

Similarly, Judge Brown found himself down at the courthouse on a Saturday during his first week on the bench, checking on a young man who had shown suicidal tendencies. "That's my biggest fear," he said.

In juvenile detention, vigilance is vital. Upshaw told stories of getting notifications from his phone app that "Joe" was out of his zone. Often, Upshaw either calls Joe through his ankle bracelet and speaks to him that way or drives over to tell him to go home himself—without ever involving law enforcement.

Even before a child is sent to youth court in Adams County, the law enforcement officer or the probation counselor completes a risk assessment, a one-sheet paper checklist that scores the offending child. Based on that score, the child receives a different juvenile-justice experience.

Upshaw said the risk assessment helped change the strategy for law enforcement and probation officers alike.

"What we have found is that changing the culture in the building, they already know that we aren't going to bring certain kids into detention," Upshaw said. "They are learning that things have changed. Judge Hudson started that, and ... once the culture changed, now it's pretty much a matter of maintaining that atmosphere."

Reform, Reinvest, Repeat

Comprehensive reform is admittedly easier when state law and dollars dictate how juvenile-detention centers work instead of counties. In Georgia, advocates for juvenile-justice reform, eventually followed by the governor and lawmakers, discovered this to be true when they overhauled the state's juvenile-justice laws in 2013, shifting funds to alternative programming.

The 2013 Georgia legislation reinvested funds used to hold non-violent offenders to youth courts to develop alternative programming and clarified separate classes of felonies to ensure that kids are not locked up for most non-violent offenses.

Georgia's juvenile-justice system badly needed reform, with a recidivism of over 60 percent before 2013, Melissa Carter, director at the Baron Child Law and Policy Center at Emory Law School in Atlanta, said.

Carter says her team worked on reforms for a decade before Georgia Gov. Nathan Deal added criminal-justice reform to his agenda—which tied easily to juvenile-justice reform. Georgia's 2013 law created a "Child in Need of Services" category, designating children who commit status offenses, which are offenses unique to children like truancy or running away, as ineligible for secure detention for over 24 hours before and after their hearing.

Instead, the law requires these children, called CHINS, to receive services like family or individual counseling or therapy in the least restrictive environment possible, ideally allowing the child to receive services and continue to live at home. Carter says this shift put the burden back on the community to help the courts provide some of the services these children needed.

Judge Steven Tseke in Clayton County, Ga., said the reinvestment part of the new law, which went into effect in 2014, worked like grants for county youth courts around the state. The state allocated additional funding plus the money the state saved by releasing nonviolent child offenders and gave those funds to youth courts to spend on alternatives to detention.

Carter said it had cost the state close to $90,000 annually for the state to keep one child in secure detention.

"The governor directed that money to a juvenile-justice incentive grant that goes back out to communities to allow them to create evidence-based programs and community-based alternatives to detention, like family therapy," Carter said.

Those alternatives serve kids who are considered medium- to high-risk offenders. Tseke's court had been a Juvenile Detention Alternatives Initiative site, like Adams and Rankin Counties in Mississippi, since 2003 and had already reduced its detention numbers by 43 percent. The new money meant Tseke and his staff would need to take another look at their data to determine how they could reduce their numbers again.

Tseke got his IT team to survey the data and found out that 54 percent of the kids his court committed were primarily there due to family dysfunction, so he directed the state money to family therapy.

Since then, Clayton County's commitments to state juvenile-detention centers are down 76 percent compared to before Tseke started reforming the county's system.

Open data is the integral part of Georgia's reforms. The state's judicial council is almost done constructing the Juvenile Data Exchange portal, which will make data from the state's juvenile detention centers and youth courts open to judges and lawyers, and to some extent, the public as well. Georgia officials were able to collect the detention-center data easily due to state control and oversight of their detention centers, something Mississippi lacks.

Mississippi law directs counties to not only pay for but also administer the state's juvenile-justice system, with the exception of the Oakley Training School, the state's psycho-educational program where youth court judges send their most serious offenders, which is run by the state Department of Human Services. Mississippi lawmakers passed the Juvenile Detention Facilities Licensing Act in the 2016 session to ensure that detention facilities around the state are licensed. The bill mandates that the Juvenile Facilities Monitoring Unit, housed in the state's Department of Public Safety, conduct assessments of juvenile-detention centers, and license them accordingly.

The Mississippi Department of Public Safety division of Public Safety Planning cannot require the county facilities to collect data, however, the new executive director Ray Sims said in an emailed statement, because they do not use state funds to operate. The central data collection system in Mississippi, called MYCIDS, is a mess, various lawyers and juvenile court administrators told the Jackson Free Press throughout the last year.

Tseke said that even though counties hold the juvenile-justice power in Mississippi, the State could force the local court's hand—but that will take leadership, like Georgia had in their governor.

Gov. Phil Bryant has continued to sign juvenile-detention facility reform legislation, from passing the bill that created the task force back in 2014 to the licensing act this year. However, no legislative or executive leaders have introduced legislation to shift funds or promote alternatives.

A statewide task force, composed of stakeholders like judges and detention-center administrators from around the state, continues to meet and chip away at reforms outside the legislative realm.

'Intense and Sustained'

As Georgia and other Mississippi counties show, changes in juvenile justice continue to happen, at the moment mostly in the hands of the administrators who are wielding federal orders or walking hand-in-hand with their youth courts.

Now, four years and four directors later, Henley-Young is making some progress, but without all the elements that make other facilities in the state as successful.

Dixon said he has monitored some facilities under consent decrees for decades, others for four years.

"It has a lot to do with how the system moves, the funding, the politics, all of those things play into this," Dixon said.

"So it's not simple. Do people have a clear direction of where you are going, do they have a clear idea? Some people don't think they need help."

Even when facilities, administrators and county leaders know they need help, as they seem to in Hinds County, they can reach a ceiling at the state level for funding without judicial support, McDaniels said.

Hinds County Youth Court Judge William "Bill" Skinner filed a lawsuit this fall, attempting to prevent the Hinds County Board of Supervisors from moving funding for the case managers from his youth-court allocation to Henley-Young instead. The court ruled against him.

Skinner has not returned several phone calls over recent months for comment.

"The mental-health services and the substance-abuse services, I think that's the responsibility of the Legislature and the responsibility of the courts to push for that, especially the judges that deal with this stuff on a daily basis," McDaniels said.

"And that's just something they have to push the Legislature on. We have to have alternative programs for juveniles."

Other places, McDaniels added, put their resources into services rather than detention. "That's not where we are here. We are still on a put-them-in-detention-first mentality," he said.

A Solutions Journalism Network grant supported this work. Read the full and ongoing series at jfp.ms/preventingviolence. Email comments to tim@jacksonfreepress.com.

Love Thy Neighbor: How to Connect in Divided Times

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You can't sugarcoat it. In the wake of the 2016 presidential campaign, these are tough, divisive times. We're all hearing a lot about how Americans don't talk to people who disagree with them, especially between races and economic classes. We don't know each other. We're even worried about facing family members with different views during the holidays. You know, Thanksgiving went so well.

Social media, of course, doesn't always help, and often hurts. We have very select networks of "friends"—many of whom we never see or even meet—and we can easily edit out, mute or block disparate points of view. It is an avenue for anonymous attacks and others 'splaining our own views to us, leaving many people frustrated and defensive about the "trolls" in our midst, and not wanting to engage across the gulfs. Then there are all those bots pretending to be people, many of them from outside the nation, and all of them sowing dissension.

But the answer can't be just staying separate from those who disagree with us, and never trying to bridge the gap. That's how we became a red-blue, binary, divided nation in the first place. We need to seek the purple for the sake of our nation and democracy. As President Obama said in his Dec. 16 press conference, division "is the thing that makes us vulnerable."

Looking at imminent family gatherings during this season of love and giving, how do we cope? If we want to begin to heal these divides, it won't be easy, but we will all need to engage to keep this division from widening and weakening our communities and nation.

This GOOD Ideas issue offers ideas on how to do that in productive and loving, if sometimes intense and uncomfortable, ways without cussing out your weird uncle across the holiday dinner table. Let's do this.

First, the Family:

You Love Them, But ...

Let's start with how to have a civil conversation with the people you care about the most, but who might have voted for a candidate you find despicable. Maybe you have no desire to talk to them about politics, but they always seem to bait you into it, or so it seems.

How to manage?

If you prefer to avoid having a political argument with someone you believe doesn't debate fairly, or who just wants to argue for argument's sake, then you will need to be proactive and direct. You can borrow a trick from more organized, structured dialogue strategies and set some ground rules in advance.

Think of your cousin who comes to the holiday table wearing a Trump or Clinton shirt, as one of our staffers had happen at Thanksgiving. You think he's salivating to have a knock-down-drag-out argument—so go ahead and speak up, sternly but with love. Say something like, "We all know it's been a tough political season, and we're on different sides of the political table. Let's agree not to talk politics today, and just enjoy each other's company."

Chances are, others will readily agree, even if not the one cousin.

In our staffer's case, his grandmother did just that, basically declaring that politics were off-limits at her dinner table before it had a chance to take a sour turn. And all was peaceful.

... You Want to Have Real Dialogue

Now, you may want to have a deep, productive conversation with family members to help mend the nation's divides, and I encourage it because we've got to start somewhere. Why not here?

Vox.com offered five tips that I appreciate. Here they are with my thoughts added under each.

1. Tell a story rather than argue or debate issues or statistics.

The truth is, stories—not lectures—persuade and build empathy. Talk about your own experiences and those of people you know. Make it human.

Think about the Bible and the movies and books that taught you a lesson. They do it with story, not data. It's why I tell my writers never to begin a story with statistics or a dry recitation of "process"—you lose readers right there. Instead, tell them a story they can relate to and feel the joy and pain. Think of all those pictures of Syrian children that say a lot more than dry numbers and facts.

2. Be as sincere as possible.

This is especially important with family, as our education and daily experiences can be very different than when we hang out with our chosen friends. Don't go home and act superior—I know I've been guilty of that—instead of being real and serious in your conversations. You can speak your mind, but do it with kindness, humility and, as Vox recommends, a lot of compassion.

3. Listen deeply rather than assuming.

These days it's easy to call someone a racist or a misogynist rather than trying to relate to them why you believe what they said is offensive (which not everyone will like, either). But if you listen carefully to what they're saying, or ask them why they voted for Trump, for instance, you might learn that they are deeply and spiritually opposed to abortion rights, and that is what drove their vote. So start there.

Even if you believe in the right to a legal abortion, that doesn't mean we should disregard others views out of hand. It's possible to have a conversation about abortion that acknowledges the deeply held views on both sides, while talking about ways to find common ground—such as things you can both do to keep abortion rare.

4. Do not rely on shorthand and buzzwords, like "privilege" (even if you believe they apply).

I understand my privilege as a white person even if I grew up relatively poor in a sexist society. But I won't convince others of it by just telling them to "check your privilege." Same with use of "racist" or even "hetero-normative." Sure, discuss those issues, but don't use those words as a way to name-call (or sound smarter) because it won't work even if you get a momentary high from it. Yes, it may be useful to explain the difference between racism (systemic oppression by the majority) and bigotry (garden-variety prejudice that can flow any direction), but that needs to be done in a smart way, infused with story—and maybe later in the dialogue after you've found some common ground.

5. Be in "the right mental place."

These are not easy conversations, and you might not be ready to have them. You can decide to wait, which might mean declaring those rules I mentioned above, saying "I'm not ready to discuss this now" or deciding to ignore attempts to bait you into it. If you're not ready to try, it can turn in raw anger and explosions that grandma sure won't appreciate.

Read the Vox.com article.

TIP: You can always pivot to family history.

In the past, my partner and I have ended up in stressful political conversations, with me even walking out one time. By the next visit, I had gotten deep into family history, and started talking about it at the beginning, even pulling up Ancestry.com to look up new stuff as everyone joined in. It's a perfect diversion that brings family together about what they have in common. And it often offers surprises that can help widen the family circle. Try it.

P.S. If you have elderly relatives, record them telling family stories. You'll regret not doing it later, and it's a perfect conversation builder now.

Then, the Community:

Courageous Conversations

In this time of intense division and distrust, dialogue is a must. If you pay attention, you'll hear about a variety of ways to take part in group or community conversations, especially about race, and I highly recommend them. You can take part in a free Jackson 2000 dialogue circle right here in Jackson, or watch for upcoming opportunities developed by W.K. Kellogg's "Truth, Racial Healing and Transformation" team, of which I'm now a part. The William Winter Institute for Racial Reconciliation in Oxford presents Welcome Table conversations around the state.

"The Welcome Table creates a safe space for diverse community stakeholders to form healthy relationships via open, honest communication," its website says.

The Southern Poverty Law Center's wonderful "Teaching Tolerance" project gives advice for "courageous conversations" on its website: "Sustained dialogue is a process used to transform relationships for the purpose of fostering meaningful change in any community." And during my W.K. Kellogg Foundation fellowship, we routinely gathered in "wisdom circles" for a similar purpose.

These kinds of conversations are soul-affirming, and sometimes difficult, and they require a bit of courage.

But on the other side of the discomfort lies a connection to others you will never have if you don't both share your experiences and listen. People continually discover common ground through these dialogues, as well as learn about challenges other people have that we don't. They build empathy through story and honesty. And it helps people of all races face their own implicit biases about the other. Find yourself a good one, show up, be real, listen and be transformed, and make new friends.

Caution: Safety Vital

One thing every successful dialogue model I know of offers is a "safe space." That is, the conversations happen with ground rules in place, usually not allowing interruptions or voiced judgment, guaranteeing confidentiality and with trained facilitators who can talk to you afterward to help you process what just happened.

This perceived safety is especially vital to inviting people into the space who might not feel welcome, such as white men who might feel like they're blamed for everything but who want to participate or people of color who might be told what to think.

People need space to listen, talk and grow without being immediately pounded on—especially if they are willing to be there and share in the first place. It's about sharing, not lecturing.

That said, "safe" can't mean you won't be challenged in your own thinking by hearing what others feel. That is the point.

What I've Learned

It's tough to walk into a conversation, whether a brief one or a deliberate series of deep dialogues, and know that you may get beat up for what you say. Although new at this, I've been through a good number of "wisdom circles" and powerful back-and-forth dialogues through my fellowship with the W.K. Kellogg Foundation, and I've learned a few tips that work for me.

1. Remember that it's not all about you. It's easy to become self-focused and defensive and look for slights in what someone else has to say. Take a breath and think before you judge, lash out or belittle someone for getting it wrong to your thinking.

2. Have compassion for everyone in the conversation or circle. All of us don't know what we don't know, and we have conversations to figure it out. Cut each other some slack.

3. If you're the type to speak up quickly, take a breath and just listen for a while. This is especially true if you're a member of a "dominant culture"—basically, the white folks who tend to control a lot of conversations. If you don't usually speak up, look for the inner courage to participate. Your story is important to us all, too.

4. Remind yourself that your experience is not always the "right," or only, one. Don't be judge-y or an eye-roller.

5. Actively listen. As others talk, do you (a) listen to refute something they're saying or (b) think about the next thing you're going to say the whole time? If you focus fully on others' words, your response will be authentic when you make it—and help calm your nerves.

6. Don't jump in to fill a silent space. Be OK with the quiet so you and others can think and process what you're hearing.

7. When you talk, try to distinctively end your sentences with brief breaks so others have an opportunity to enter the conversation, unless you're in a dialogue that does not allow back and forth, of course.

8. It's OK to speak up if you think others are shutting down productive dialogue or not being respectful. It's also OK to just stay quiet and choose not to talk, and just listen if that is most important for you.

9. Say "I'm sorry" when you interrupt, and try hard not to interrupt.

10. Listen for the points of commonality to expand on rather than the contention to argue over.

11. And be fully, fully present.

Safest Space: Affinity+Identity

During and after the election season, we've heard a lot about "identity politics," often derisively. You know, when someone votes a certain way because they're white, black, Latino, female, LGBT, etc.? Identity politics are a bad thing, we're told. And they are, in many ways, especially if done in a divisive way.

The truth is, though, "identity politics" came about in the first place, at least for non-white-supremacist groups, because some dominant group marginalized those members. Think about it: How much would you hear about LGBT groups banding together if they weren't discriminated against? Or women's rights groups? Or, even the Black Lives Matter movement?

It can be difficult to have cross-conversations between groups on different sides of identity politics. That is one reason "affinity groups" have sprung up on college campuses and beyond: to give voice to members of a group with "affinity" with each other, such as gender, race or even a common history.

When done well, affinity groups are not clubs; you must be a member of the group to participate. And the goals are positive: to identify ways to make positive strides. That is very different than coming together to strategize to hurt other groups.

Tolerance.org talks about a Muslim student group at a school in Maclean, Va., that discussed the problem with needing to miss class to attend religious services, even as those of other faiths had days off. The math teacher who facilitated helped them get Muslim holy days added to the school calendar.

Such groups help members find like-minded people and solutions that actually help them more easily live in the larger, more diverse community.

But, Whites-only?! Really?

Yes, this can be a good idea, believe it or not. We're not talking about a defensive or supremacist group, of course. White affinity groups are a way for members to come together to explore race and racism, and maybe even the role their own families might have played in discrimination.

It is also a way to get around the common problem of white people being too uncomfortable or ashamed to talk about these issues initially in a diverse group. And it can help those hampered by what is sometimes called "white fragility" get past the defensiveness of the country's history of racism—basically to get past feeling as if their own skin color effectively makes them guilty in others' eyes.

White affinity groups aren't a way to let white folks off the hook, though. They are used as vital tools to help reluctant people find a way to have these conversations and see a way forward. Like anything else, talking about race gets easier with practice.

These groups can result in strong shared efforts to fight society's racism, and to bridge divides. Allies are often born in white affinity groups.

The Magical Life of Being an Ally

OK, this one is personal. I often see fellow white people so defensive at any mention of racism or the need to end it—such as the dramatically overblown reactions to people willing to say out loud that "Black Lives Matter" in the wake of numerous shootings of unarmed black people in America because it means white lives don't—which is absurd. We've all heard, or maybe said, the following many times. Mark each true or false.

That was all a long time ago. ____
It's all those crazy people in the KKK, not people I know and love. ____
I don't need to feel guilty about what I didn't do. ____
Black people need to get over it and move on. ____
All lives matter! _____

(Answers: 1, 2 and 4 are false, while 3 and 5 are true and undisputed.)

Here's the nut that is cracked from inside if you're willing to try: It is a wonderful life to be an ally to people who are historically, or currently, oppressed in some way. As an ally who "does the work," as it's called when you get informed and engaged, you meet a wide array of caring people who don't actually blame you for their plight, as long as you show up with an open heart and don't blame the historically oppressed for oppression.

The love back and forth flows openly, and you learn fascinating history, much of it shared when we're honest about it. Yes, there are exceptions: You'll meet the occasional person who hates you for your skin color, but a white ally knows it can never be as bad for me as for people who are followed by clerks when they go shopping or profiled by police.

My point? It's wonderful to be an ally, to listen, to love and sometimes to fight for an ever-widening array of friends, and to learn history that we all share, filed with heroes as well as villains. I believe that understanding what awaits on the other side of divides is the Holy Grail more people should seek and find. We just must be willing to go there.

TIP: Always Ask Why

If you really want to understand other people's realities—such as why crime is worse in their community—take it back up the line. 
That is, explore and ask people why they believe the problems exist, and be willing to listen. And don't be defensive: Remember that you probably didn't do those things 50 years ago, but the systems of segregation set up cycles of poverty and crime. Knowing that makes you smarter and makes it easier to help find solutions.

What We Share

Former Gov. William Winter is a national leader on race dialogue. He likes to say that all Americans discover they have basic desires in common when they take time to talk and listen. They include:

• Good schools for their kids

• Access to quality health care

• Safe neighborhoods

• Economic security

DEFINED: What is 'white fragility'?

"A state in which even a minimum amount of racial stress becomes intolerable, triggering a range of defensive moves. These moves include the outward display of emotions such as anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviors such as argumentation, silence, and leaving the stress-inducing situation."

—Robin DiAngelo

Read the full "white fragility" report.

"As an affinity group, White Students Confronting Racism provides a space for white people to develop our racial identity while simultaneously becoming effective anti-racist allies to people of color."

Ali Michael and Mary C. Conger, White Students Confronting Racism


Making Ends Meet: Lawmakers Wrestle with Education, Infrastructure and Shrinking Revenue

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The 2017 Legislative session begins at the Mississippi State Capitol on Jan. 3.

"Antiquated. Confusing. Inefficient. Unreliable. Unpredictable. What do these words describe?" House Speaker Philip Gunn, R-Clinton, asked at the annual Hobnob event on Oct. 26, speaking to business and political leaders from around the state. "They describe the Mississippi Adequate Education Program funding formula."

The mood in the Mississippi Coliseum changed, and the casual, "How y'all doing?" mode of speeches shifted dramatically as Gunn started a stark and carefully crafted denouncement of the state's public-education funding mechanism.

"This formula has failed to give our schools a predictable stream of revenue upon which they can budget; this formula has failed to ensure that money reaches the classroom," Gunn said.

As the 2017 legislative session begins, Gunn's priorities have not changed. The speaker told reporters in December that education funding was at the top of his legislative agenda for the 2017 session.

"We're looking for ways to provide a more stable and reliable source for funding; that's something we've heard from superintendents a lot," Gunn said.

"So as you know, we've engaged that effort, and we're trying to find a more reliable way to fund education."

Education funding dominated headlines throughout 2016, as lawmakers worked to level-fund and not cut the amount of funding that went to the Mississippi Adequate Education Program in previous budget years, despite cutting most other agency budgets. Advocates and proponents wanted a statewide ballot Initiative 42 to force the Legislature to fully fund the formula, but it lost by only a couple percentage points in the 2015 election.

So they continued the rally cry well into the new year, asking lawmakers to fully fund MAEP. Statehouse leaders took a different approach, however, and on Oct. 11, they announced their intention to contract with an outside group and revamp MAEP in its entirety.

Murky MAEP Plans

Changing the state's school-funding formula might be at the forefront of several lawmakers' agendas going into the 2017 legislative session, but how that will be done, exactly, is still murky at best.

MAEP has not changed dramatically since 2006, when lawmakers amended the law to say they would recalculate the base student cost, which is the dollar amount attached to each student in a public school in Mississippi, every four years. A little more than a year ago, the same Republican leaders campaigned together against Initiative 42, and now they are advocating for an updated formula altogether.

The Legislature has only fully funded MAEP twice since its creation in 1997. State Auditor Stacey Pickering finds more at fault with the formula than small tweaks can fix, and in his March 16, 2016, letter to legislative and state leaders about the formula, he said the formula uses data that are not reliable and difficult for his office to verify. He also said MAEP does not address actual classroom educational needs.

"Educational funding should be tied to what school districts actually need to fund quality classroom settings—teachers and resources," Pickering wrote in his March letter.

Pickering's letter concludes with the year's outlook costs. The base student cost for the 2016-2017 school year is $5,358 per child. This cost is higher than neighboring states Louisiana or Arkansas, according to data from New Jersey nonprofit EdBuild.

The Legislature contracted with EdBuild this October to evaluate how the state's formula could be more student-focused and keep money in the classroom, something Republican leaders have pushed since the 2015 election when the party became a "supermajority" in the state, making it near-impossible for Democrats to turn back their legislation.

EdBuild is charged with developing a school-finance simulator lawmakers can use to determine how they can enhance the current funding formula.

An October EdBuild presentation showed that much of the nonprofit's focus is re-engineering the state's formula to include weights for more student populations, like students who need special education, English-language learners, and students who come from families or communities in economic distress.

MAEP is like a math equation with several variables that determine how much money a school district receives. EdBuild considers Mississippi a "hybrid state," indicating that the state budgets for and funds several special student groups, but most of that funding is done outside of the MAEP's primary math equation with separate "add-on program costs."

Those programs that the state funds as a part of the MAEP budget but outside of "base student cost" calculations are: special, vocational and gifted education, transportation and the state's alternative school.

EdBuild's philosophy is about distributing resources through a "purely student-based system," the presentation says.

Mississippi has a higher base cost per student, even after adjusting for cost of living, compared to some surrounding states. MAEP has a weight in its formula to address student poverty at 5 percent of free-lunch eligible students, but EdBuild's model suggests incorporating additional weights for students who need English language courses, students with learning disabilities or even by grade level.

EdBuild representatives deferred interview requests to legislative leaders, who did not make EdBuild's CEO Rebecca Sibilia available for interviews for this story, saying she and her staff were focusing on finishing the simulator. In previous interviews with the Jackson Free Press, Sibilia said she understands the concerns of those who submitted public comments and questions, but she still felt that "weighted student funding," which provides extra money to students who might be gifted or impoverished or learning English, would best serve the interests of the people of Mississippi.

"We're still moving forward to do what they (the state) asked us to do, which is review MAEP, talk with stakeholders and make recommendations. And we're solely focused on that," she told the Jackson Free Press in November.

Timing and Pushback

The timing for incorporating EdBuild's suggestions into the state's funding formula might seem rushed, but lawmakers do not necessarily have to act this session. The Legislature's contract with EdBuild says the nonprofit will provide technical assistance to the House and Senate Education Committee sub-finance group through June 2017, meaning lawmakers could engineer and tweak the new state formula throughout the start of the new year and implement it later in the year or in the next legislative session.

Gunn told reporters that rewriting the state's education-funding formula is a priority, particularly to make sure it is much more "student-based" than it currently is. The Mississippi Association of School Superintendents supports the Legislature's efforts, Gunn said, largely due to the unpredictability of MAEP.

"(MAEP's) not predictable because of the way we measure (school) attendance," he said. "It's trying to create a situation where there is predictability, and there's consistencies (so) in August, they'll know they can get through May."

The Mississippi Association of School Superintendents did not respond to messages left for this story. The Joint Legislative Budget Committee's proposed fiscal-year 2018 plan actually increases funding for education—but not funding for MAEP. In past years, additional funds for education have gone toward initiatives like reading coaches to address third-grade literacy or for special-needs vouchers. Lawmakers are proposing a "school recognition program" that rewards high-performing districts and improving school districts, according to their accountability ranking.

"The recognition program is to reward schools that are high-performing and/or improving," Gunn said.

He had few specifics about the program to offer but said that it would mean roughly $100 per student in recognized school districts. The state's accountability system is already a catalyst for sending some districts to join the Achievement School District (essentially a state consolidation) after more than two years in a row of receiving an "F" grade. That legislation doesn't consider ratings prior to the 2015-2016 school year, however.

The Mississippi Department of Education released the most recent accountability rankings in October. Of the 19 failing school districts, the majority of those districts serve mainly African American student populations.

Not all lawmakers are in favor of re-engineering the formula, and while education subcommittee members met with EdBuild throughout the summer, other lawmakers began to voice concerns for changing a formula that hasn't been fully funded in years.

At a Legislative Black Caucus hearing with some Baptist convention members in November, Rep. Jay Hughes, D-Oxford, an outspoken advocate for fully funding public schools on social media, told the group that it is disingenuous to declare MAEP a failure when it has rarely received full funding in its entire existence. Hughes reiterated what school administrators have told the Jackson Free Press for the past two years: MAEP money goes almost exclusively to teacher salaries, in both "F" and "A" districts.

Hughes' analogy, like some other vocal Democrats, is that changing a formula before trying to fully fund it first is a bit like putting the cart before the horse.

"I don't want to see us revise a formula and lower the amount needed just so legislators can claim that they fully funded the formula; that's disingenuous to me, as well," Hughes said in November.

Hughes pointed to the governor's proposed budget plan, which proposes to add $16.4 million into MAEP funding, while cutting general education funding by $14.9 million and the state's Chickasaw Interest, which helps fund the disparity between counties that do have 16th-section lands and those that do not, by 6.9 percent.

House Minority Whip Rep. David Baria, D-Bay St. Louis, says his party members would be open to adding components like English-language learners and Advanced Placement courses as weighted measures, as EdBuild has suggested, but also echoes what Hughes said.

"They (Republican leaders are) focused on not cutting it (MAEP funding), but they're still not funding it fully," Baria told the Jackson Free Press. "We simply disagree with that approach; we believe that you could fully fund education if you made it a priority."

Infrastructure Woes

At some point, the State will need to find money for its roads and bridges that are in need of costly repair and preventive care—but when that will happen is a matter for legislators to debate and decide.

In 2016, a last-minute skeleton of an infrastructure bill that brought forward both various bonding authority and tax-rate components of state law could have set a plan for fixing and funding the state's roads and bridges.

Sen. Joey Fillingane, R-Sumrall, and Sen. Willie Simmons, D-Cleveland, co-authored Senate Bill 2921, and the bill passed the Senate in mid-March despite several failed amendments from both Republicans and Democrats to mandate additions like notices for taxpayers to know that the state increased their taxes by a certain percentage.

The infrastructure bill never got out of committee in the House, however, and this year, the speaker didn't mention roads and bridges as a top priority for the upcoming session. He said it is hard to answer questions about addressing the state's need to invest in its roads and bridges without a plan in place. Gunn said he has heard several ideas from different groups about what could be done.

"If we can get a plan, it would be our hope to (push it forward in 2017), but I can't promise that anything is going to happen," he told reporters in mid-December.

Researchers at the University of Southern Mississippi and Mississippi State University found in 2015 that the state's infrastructure will continue to erode unless the State takes preventive measures with the parts of the system that aren't crumbling yet. The results were staggering: Mississippi needs to invest $375 million more annually to fix its roads and bridges.

The Mississippi Economic Council, the state's chamber of commerce, took the lead on developing a potential roadmap for lawmakers to use in order to come up with a plan to fund the state's infrastructure. With backing from some of Mississippi's wealthiest businessmen, the group launched its "Excelerate Mississippi" initiative last year.

MEC's plan details how the state can come up with these funds: through a combination of user-based taxation, meaning taxing only those who use roads and bridges, mainly car owners, by increasing the gas tax that has been flat since 1987 and adding a sales tax to gas in the state.

Additionally, the plan details other fee increases such as for car tags or other changes to the state's tax code that could help generate the necessary revenue.

Scott Waller, the executive vice president of MEC, has worked on the state's infrastructure problems for several years, helping spread awareness of the study and its potential consequences on public safety and economic development in the state.

The study found that 4,000 bridges in the state need repairs today, and more than half those bridges are considered "posted" or unable to hold the weight they were designed to hold initially. Waller said that while the infrastructure-funding problem is not unique to Mississippi, the state is already starting to get behind.

"Other states did year-over-year funding increases, and over half the states in the country now have addressed this in some fashion," Waller told the Jackson Free Press. "It's a safety issue, and if we don't react and do what the other states are doing, we're going to get left behind."

Waller says the Excelerate plan addresses the state's issues head-on. He said the State and the taxpayers cannot afford to wait. In essence, the longer the State waits to budge on the infrastructure issue, the more it will cost taxpayers in the long run.

"We believe we have resolved the issue. We've looked at this every possible way; it's going to require new revenue—that's all there is to it," Waller said.

Some lawmakers are onboard with the MEC proposal, recognizing the urgency of fixing some of the state's roads and bridges. In Hinds County alone, 60 bridges are classified as "deficient." A simple bridge repair, say a small bridge over a creek, can cost more than $1 million to fix. Larger, more intricate bridge repairs will cost much more.

House Transportation Committee Chairman Charles Busby, R-Pascagoula, agrees that the Legislature needs to take action, but he is not all for the MEC plan. He said he is looking at the gas tax and user-based taxes and plans to introduce a bill next session.

"I'm looking at it (those taxes)—not raising it—but changing the way we do it so that over time we can generate more revenue, and also (provide) a method that would allow the people to have a choice on part of it," he told the Jackson Free Press.

Senate Transportation Committee Chairman Sen. Willie Simmons says it is time to act. He served on Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves' 2013 committee to look at the state's roads and bridges. Simmons said the results of the USM and MSU study are almost identical to the findings from the 2013 study. Simmons said he supports passing a bill this session.

"Personally, I support Ronald Reagan's approach, and I say that because President Reagan after his State of the Union said he wasn't going to raise taxes and then the business community worked with him, and he changed his mind," Simmons told the Jackson Free Press.

Mississippi's gas-tax rate is flat and has been since the 1987 highway program came to life, so while inflation drove costs up on every other service and price associated with transportation, from cars to the parts that make them function, the gas-tax rate in the state stayed static.

Simmons said a bill to fund the state's roads and bridges would drop early this session, as opposed to last time. He said the federal government has essentially the same formula for funding federal roads and bridges, and with President-elect Donald Trump's discussion of infrastructure, Simmons worries that the federal government might end up raising taxes or changing gas rates before the State can.

"He (Trump) has not talked about money, but if they add a tax onto fuel, it makes it more challenging to do something (in Mississippi)," Simmons said. "It's better to do it first because if he does bring (legislation) forward, it will address some of the issues for the nation, but it won't be the savior for Mississippi. We would get additional dollars, but it wouldn't take care of the 4,000 bridges in our state and the additional lanes of deficient highways."

The MEC funded a March 2016 Mason-Dixon poll that shows that 61 percent of Mississippians surveyed strongly or somewhat supported a plan to increase taxes and fees in order to fund overall of Mississippi's bad roads and bridges.

Dispute over just how bad the state's roads and bridges are muddied parts of debate last session, but the real kicker for improving the state's infrastructure lies in how to go about doing it. Almost every proposal requires the Legislature to increase taxes, a notion that most Republicans intend to avoid like the plague, especially after passing the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act in the 2016 session.

Tightening the Belt

If there is one thing certain about the 2017 legislative session, it is that the majority of state agencies can expect their budgets to be slimmed and strained in the upcoming fiscal-year 2018.

It is too early to say to what extent, but even after several legislative budget groups scrutinized agency expenses this summer, eliminating vacant positions in state agencies and cutting lots of out-of-state travel, the Joint Legislative Budget Committee plan tightens the state's budget by more than $195 million in the next fiscal year.

Lt. Gov. Reeves told reporters in early December that the budget working groups helped reveal potential cost savings within state agency budgets. The Joint Legislative Budget Committee proposal for fiscal-year 2018 eliminates nearly 2,000 currently vacant state agency 
positions in addition to reinstating the moratorium on agencies looking to purchase new vehicles. Reeves said cutting back on out-of-state travel helped lawmakers find savings, as well.

"We had literally multiple days in the capitol talking about travel, and what this budget does is it basically returns travel in its entirety back to FY2012 levels," Reeves told reporters on Dec. 8. "Travel has increased by almost 20 percent in the last five years, so while many state agencies are complaining about certain programs being shut down, they are traveling more today than they ever have—and that's not a priority for the legislative leadership."

The proposed fiscal-year 2018 plan does not eliminate agencies' out-of-state travel altogether but reduces it by around 20 percent.

The budget working groups were a part of the legislative leadership's broader goal to work on efficiencies within budgeting—something the state government will need once the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act starts diverting funds away from the general fund in 2018.

The massive tax cut, pushed through both chambers late in the session in 2016, will divert $416 million annually from Mississippi's general fund once it is fully implemented in a decade. The cut phases out the state's franchise tax, and it eliminates the two lowest income-tax brackets and self-employment taxes for individuals in the state.

Democrats raised Cain over the bill last session, pointing to slow revenue growth and tax cuts from several sessions ago that still affect the budget today.

Sen. David Blount, D-Jackson, loudly called the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act the worst bill of the 2016 session. He has teamed up with other Senate Democrats, including Sen. Hob Bryan, D-Amory, a vocal opponent of the Pay Raise Act last session, to push to repeal the bill in the upcoming session. Blount says that in two decades, the tax cut will divert close to $6.6 billion away from the state's coffers—enough money to pay for the state's roads and bridges, he says.

The Senate Democrats' plan would also not raise taxes on Mississippians, Blount said, unlike MEC's proposed funding program for fixing infrastructure.

"What happened was the legislative leadership passed the largest tax cut in state history, and after it passed, decided to study the tax structure," Blount told the Jackson Free Press. "That's ready-fire-aim policy making. You should do the study first and then pass the bill."

Sen. Fillingane, one of the main architects of the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act, says he does not foresee any big changes to the state's tax code coming in the 2017 session. He said there might be some small things to clean up in the bill, but the major overhaul work passed in the bill last year.

"I think the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act was a balanced approach; it aided and helped our corporate citizens, (but) we had the elimination of the individual income tax of the 3-percent bracket, which helps everybody because you must pay that before other brackets," Fillingane told the Jackson Free Press.

Fillingane was part of the tax-policy panel of lawmakers that met over the summer to study Mississippi's tax code. Lawmakers on the panel heard presentations, which the conservative-leaning Tax Foundation primarily led. Lawmakers on the tax policy committee looked at what the State does and does not tax, what works, and possible ways to tweak the tax code and potentially the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act.

Nicole Kaeding, an economist from the Tax Foundation, which favors tax breaks for businesses, applauded parts of the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act, particularly the phasing out of the state's franchise tax included in the bill, which she encouraged lawmakers to implement faster than the decade-long phase-in written into the bill.

Simultaneously, however, Kaeding also offered suggestions for the State to broaden the tax base in order to generate more revenue, which is a problem that most lawmakers acknowledge but have differing opinions about in regards to its source. Kaeding provided lawmakers with an overview of recommendations for tax-policy reform in Mississippi, based on the Tax Foundation's policies.

She suggested that Mississippi lawmakers should not raise or change the tax rate but instead broaden the tax base through measures such as applying sales tax to more items, possibly including legal, accounting, fitness, barber or veterinary services throughout the state. She also mentioned adding a sales tax to gasoline in the state, which would be separate from the gasoline tax.

"I think the base is actually where you need to focus on in terms of making it less broad on business transactions and more broad on (service) transactions," Kaeding told the tax panel in an October meeting.

Fillingane said he believes using legislation like the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act will generate more income with increased economic activity.

"I personally am not convinced that (broadening the base by increasing taxes) is the smart approach because the Taxpayer Pay Raise Act was about reducing the taxpayer burden," he said. "What we would be doing with that suggestion would be going in reverse, in taxing more Mississippians for more things. I don't buy into that."

Lawmakers will have to address budget strains in one form or another, however, due to revenue growth not meeting projections for 2016. Of course, things could change by session time, but both the governor and the Joint Legislative Budget Committee's fiscal-year 2018 budget plans are thin.

The JLBC's recommendation cuts $87 million from the already reduced fiscal-year 2017 budget, which was "adjusted" to deal with a mistake, and then Gov. Phil Bryant cut most state agency budgets twice.

Making ends meet might take more work than usual this coming year—not to mention overhauling the state's education-funding formula and trying to find a way to keep bridges from falling in.

Email state reporter Arielle Dreher at arielle@jacksonfreepress.com and follow her at @arielle_amara on Twitter for breaking State news. The 2017 Mississippi Legislative session begins Jan. 3. Comment at jfp.ms.

The Most Intriguing of 2016

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The last year was a crazy one, to say the least, but crazy often means that intriguing people came out of the woodwork. Here are some of the local people we found the most intriguing over the last year, for better or worse.

Dr. Cedrick Gray

Armed with an inexhaustible supply of bowties and promises before his speeches that he wouldn't start preaching—but usually ending up preaching anyway—Dr. Cedrick Gray led the Jackson Public Schools district for four years before his dramatic resignation in November. His tenure in JPS wasn't unsuccessful; he entered the district while it was on probation and kept it afloat at its long-standing "D" rating. The district also housed nationally recognized schools and nursed a healthy handful of A- and B-rated schools.

But Gray, who is also a preacher in Madison, warned as early as November 2015 that things might look different for JPS the next school year. With changing standardized tests and steeper cut-off points for proficiency, or "passing scores," he predicted the district's downgraded accountability rating, which came true this past October; JPS is now an "F"-district despite its many successes.

Gray suddenly disappeared from the public eye amid calls for his resignation and rumors that the school board pressured him to quit. Despite JPS board President Beneta Burt saying she had no knowledge that Gray intended to resign, the board announced his departure on Oct. 28, and he submitted his official letter of resignation on Nov. 1. Dr. Freddrick Murray, former chief academic officer for high schools, now serves as interim superintendent. — Sierra Mannie

Rebecca Sibilia, CEO of EdBuild

EdBuild took Mississippi by surprise. The New Jersey-based nonprofit came onto the scene after Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves and House Speaker Philip Gunn announced they had entered into a contract with the group to help vet the Mississippi Adequate Education Program, or MAEP.

MAEP determines the state's share of funding for its public-school districts, and its funding is the subject of vigorous debate among lawmakers and education stakeholders. EdBuild itself received scrutiny statewide, especially from teachers, a few of whom spoke at the capitol in November and admonished legislators for the secretive way they admitted to working with the company.

Central to EdBuild is CEO Rebecca Sibilia. On the surface, she does not seem to have much in common politically with the GOP leaders who employed her; Sibilia's Twitter, at least, is staunchly anti-Trump.

But she told the Jackson Free Press that EdBuild's focus, when it came to Mississippi and the state's funding formula, was "to do their job." EdBuild champions a funding mechanism called "weighted student funding" that stacks funds atop the base cost to educate a student based on factors like whether they live in poverty or are learning English. — Sierra Mannie

Barber/ Campaign for Southern Equality v. Bryant Plaintiffs

The 2016 legislative session in Mississippi meant the introduction and passage of House Bill 1523, the infamous "Protecting Freedom of Conscience from Government Discrimination Act," a blatant and heavily protested clap-back to the U.S. Supreme Court legalizing same-sex marriage in 2015. If it weren't for several plaintiffs in two lawsuits joined together to challenge the bill's constitutionality, Mississippi would have what many advocacy groups recognize as the most overreaching anti-LGBT laws nationally.

The plaintiffs in the joined Barber v. Bryant and Campaign for Southern Equality v. Bryant lawsuits are Mississippians from different walks of life. Some own nonprofit organizations; others were influential in the Civil Rights Movement. Some work in churches as pastors; others are creatives. All of them believed HB 1523 endangered not just their well-being but the lives of all Mississippians.

"The State of Mississippi has erected a scheme of legal privileges exclusively for those who subscribe to 'sincerely held religious beliefs and moral convictions' that might lead them to discriminate against same-sex couples who marry or want to marry, unmarried people engaging in sexual relations, and transgender people," the Dec. 16 Barber plaintiff brief states.The court drama is just getting started, but for now, the U.S. District Court put the bill on pause before it went into affect. Attorney General Jim Hood refused to continue to defend the law, so Gov. Bryant called lawyers at the ultra-conservative legal group Alliance Defending Freedom to help him appeal the lower court's decision. — Arielle Dreher

Gov. Phil Bryant

Gov. Phil Bryant started his second term with a packed plate: a potential federal-foster care takeover, finalizing big economic-development projects and managing the state's budget. Bryant also managed to make 2016 a banner year for religious-freedom debates, education and Donald Trump.

The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank, awarded the governor with the Conservative Leadership Award after he signed House Bill 1523 into law, despite rallies of concerned Mississippians calling on him not to do so and various boycotts of the state. The Education Commission of the States, a Colorado-based education policy research center, named Bryant as chair-elect in December.

Bryant called two special sessions this year, one to ram through an economic-incentives package, which should eventually bring 3,500 jobs to the state from a Continental Tire factory in Hinds County and a shipyard in Gulfport. The State issued $274 million in bonds to make the two projects possible. Bryant called a second special session to plug budget holes in the fiscal-year 2016 budget, just days before it ended. He also helped secure funding for the new Mississippi Department of Child Protection Services, avoiding a federal takeover of the state's foster-care system. Bryant campaigned enthusiastically for Donald Trump, including at the coliseum during a rally with Trump and Brexit leader Nigel Farage, and plans to attend his inauguration this January. — Arielle Dreher

'New' Mississippi Supreme Court Justices

Four Mississippi Supreme Court justices will take the bench in the new year, and three of them are no stranger to the bench at all. 
District 1 Justice Jim Kitchens won a fairly close race in November, beating Court of Appeals Judge Kenny Griffis to re-claim his seat.

District 2 Justice Dawn Beam ran her first election campaign, after she was appointed to the state's high court in February to fill the unexpired term of Justice Randy Pierce. Beam won her election easily and has already started work on the state's foster-care system; she co-chairs the Commission on Children's Justice.

Justice James Maxwell was elected in an uncontested race back to his seat on the bench. Newly elected District 3 Justice Robert Chamberlin won a tough, contested race and a run-off election. He previously served for 12 years as a circuit court judge and was responsible for starting the 17th Circuit District's Drug Court in 2006. Chamberlin replaces Justice Ann Lamar, who retired in December. All four justices were sworn in to their roles on Jan. 3.

The Mississippi Supreme Court recently adopted new Mississippi Rules of Criminal Procedure that will go into affect in July 2017, with the goal of bringing uniformity and transparency to the criminal-justice procedures in the state. The court spent six years working on the rule changes. —Arielle Dreher

Rep. Debra Gibbs, D-Jackson

When former Rep. Kimberly Campbell, D-Jackson, announced she would not return to her post in the Mississippi Legislature, the seat for District 72 opened up for a special election. Debra Gibbs, a local attorney and former businesswoman, won the run-off election between her and Synarus Green, the director of policy and intergovernmental affairs for the City of Jackson, in September. She joins the often-vocal Jackson coalition of lawmakers in the House of Representatives for the 2017 session of the Mississippi Legislature this week.

Gibbs told the Jackson Free Press in her pre-election interview that if she won, she plans to use her relationships in the House in order to bolster bipartisan conversations. She said education and families are two of the major policy areas important to her as well as infrastructure and community safety. Gibbs previously worked as the commissioner of the Mississippi Workers' Compensation Commission and the director of accounting and finance at the Mississippi Department of Human Services back in the 1990s. — Arielle Dreher

Marshall Fisher

Two years after Gov. Phil Bryant appointed Marshall Fisher as the commissioner of the Mississippi Department of Corrections, Fisher still has a lot of work to do, he openly admits. He is also open to several criminal-justice reforms, made possible by House Bill 585, which the Legislature passed in 2014.

This year, MDOC closed Walnut Grove Correctional Facility, which was the subject of several lawsuits when the facility imprisoned minors. MDOC claimed the prison closed due to the state's decreasing prison population and tight budget. The State will continue to pay off its private-prison bonds until 2028 (including on Walnut Grove), which will cost the state $328.4 million.

Mississippi's prison population numbers have dropped since 2014, but not as dramatically as it first appeared. On Dec. 15, 2014, there were 19,204 inmates in MDOC's custody. By 2015, that number had dropped to 18,933, but 19,006 prisoners were in the state's custody as of Dec. 18, 2016.
 As the importance of alternatives to incarceration—especially for those needing mental-health care and nonviolent criminals—catches on in the state, Fisher is emerging as a leader for the changes, telling the House Corrections Committee the State is in dire need of re-entry resources and mental-health courts. The Legislature will have to fund alternatives and community corrections, however, so that expanding mental health, drug and re-entry courts statewide can become a reality. —Arielle Dreher

Carolyn Meyers

Dr. Carolyn Meyers, president of Jackson State University since 2011, resigned in November amid questions the Mississippi Institutions of Higher Learning, the governing body for the state's public universities, voiced concerning the declining financial health of Jackson State University under her tenure.

In October, the IHL Board of Trustees hired the accounting firm of Matthews, Cutrer and Lindsay to review JSU's financial health after reports of dwindling cash on hand. The university saw its reserve shrink from $37 million in 2012 all the way down to $4 million in 2016, per IHL estimates. At one point, JSU had enough cash on hand for about a week's operating budget.

IHL appointed Rod Paige, who served as George W. Bush's secretary of education, to serve as interim president until Meyers' replacement can be found. The goal is to find a permanent president by July 1, 2017, Paige said. — Tim Summers Jr.

Tyrone Hendrix

The current Jackson City Council president, Ward 6 Councilman Tyrone Hendrix, faces a quagmire of a year in 2017, with budget issues and infrastructure needs growing. In addition, he must help ensure transparency within the legislative branch of municipal government as the City deals with a number of lawsuits that have the potential to cost the city money it doesn't have.

One is the federal sexual harassment and discrimination federal lawsuit that Mayor Tony Yarber's former executive assistant, Kimberly Bracey, filed in 2016. A few weeks ago, the council placed a potential settlement on its agenda, only to have Hendrix himself pull the item out. Later, in an interview with the Jackson Free Press, Hendrix said he would make sure that the details of the settlement are released in compliance with the state's open-record laws. —Tim Summers Jr.

Robert Shuler Smith

The holiday trial of Hinds County District Attorney Robert Shuler Smith continued this week as the Mississippi attorney general's office tried to convince a Hinds County jury that Smith conspired to hinder the office's prosecution by aiding and assisting the defense of Christopher Butler.

Whether or not the jury is unknown at press time, but the testimony of former Assistant District Attorney Ivon Johnson, who turned FBI informant after admitting to receiving bribes for lowered bonds, alleges that Smith was aware of the bribe. Smith is in his third term as Hinds district attorney, and text messages he sent and secret recordings of conversations with him indicate that he often uses some colorful language when discussing his perceived enemies. He even called Patrick Beasley, assistant attorney general and former assistant district attorney who is also black, an "Uncle Tom" in a text message. — Tim Summers Jr.

Christopher Butler

The mysterious man at the center of the current legal struggle between Hinds County District Attorney Robert Shuler Smith and the attorney general's office is Christopher Butler. He is charged with possessing more than an ounce of drugs from a 2011 Mississippi Bureau of Narcotics bust and then separate January 2016 wire-fraud allegations, finally appeared in court. Facing what his lawyers say could be100 years behind bars, Butler chose to invoke his Fifth Amendment right to avoid incriminating himself, in case statements would hurt him at a future date.

Smith, through the arguments of his lawyer Jim Waide, has asserted repeatedly that the actions he took over the last year, the ones that resulted in his arrest in June, were all in the pursuit of justice for Butler. — Tim Summers Jr.

Robert "Two Sweet" Henderson

During DA Robert Smith's investigation and trial, an old name re-emerged that is often connected with controversy and powerful people. Robert Henderson, who is known both as a reverend and by his old street name, "Too Sweet," admitted to being the go-between of bribe proffers between men wanting their charges dropped and DA Smith and ADA Ivon Johnson.

Henderson, now 44, was close to former Mayor Frank Melton, visiting his home on the eve of the Wood Street Players trial in 2006 (alongside JFP reporters and DA Smith, then a defense attorney for one of the accused, even as Melton wanted them convicted) also present. Henderson later was at Melton's side at his federal trial daily in 2009. In 2011, Gov. Haley Barbour pardoned Henderson for previous felonies as he was leaving office. In his pardon request, he listed references including DA Smith and one of Christopher Butler's attorneys, Sanford Knott. He testified last week that Smith was aware of the bribes, which the DA denies. — Donna Ladd

Justin Ransburg

If you've been involved in Jackson's art community in the last few years, you've probably encountered Justin Ransburg, but he seemed to take the city's art world by storm in 2016.

In the summer of last year, he became one of the tenants at The Wonder Lab, where he has been a mainstay, whether he is taking part in events such as Fondren's First Thursday, or just hanging out and creating at the lab. At a recent FFT, he collaborated with fellow Jackson-area artists Eli Childers and Margaret Sullivan to create a mural at Brown's Fine Art Gallery.

At the "Damn the Man, Save the Offbeat" fundraising event in November 2016, guests watched as Ransburg live-painted a piece that featured the character Garnet from "Steven Universe" punching Gov. Phil Bryant in the face. The piece was among several that he showcased at Priced to Move, Vol. 7 in December.

Last year, the City of Jackson commissioned Ransburg to paint a traffic box in downtown, and Rainbow Co-Op commissioned him to paint a table at High Noon Cafe. He is also a finalist for this year's Best Visual Artist in Best of Jackson.

To see Ransburg's art and learn about upcoming exhibits, find him on Facebook or Instagram at @RansburgArt. — Amber Helsel

Johnnie McDaniels

The former Jackson prosecutor-turned-juvenile-justice-facility director Johnnie McDaniels inherited a facility laden with obligations to a federal judge to transform a jail for juveniles into a more humane and rehabilitative way station for youth.

Faced with numerous problems, including funding, McDaniels has said in interviews that he knows that juvenile justice has to embrace more facets of crime prevention in young people, including addressing the mental-health problems that could contribute to the behavior that might culminate in the beginning of a life of crime.

McDaniels, through allowing tours of his facility and openly discussing the problem of juvenile delinquency and crime, represents a change in the national and local attitude to the problem of juvenile crime.

He also openly admitted that the system failed 17-year-old Charles McDonald who a man killed near the detention center, believing he was trying to break into a car in Performance Oil's parking lot. The accused shooter, Wayne Mitchell Parish, was indicted and arrested last week for McDonald's murder. — Tim Summers Jr.

Vasti Jackson

Blues musician Vasti Jackson, a legend in the capital city, was a featured performer at the Grammy Museum Mississippi during its opening in March, and a performer when the National Blues Museum in St. Louis, Mo., held its grand opening a month later.

While Jackson continued making big strides in the latter half of the year (playing at Italy's Porretta Soul Festival in July and recording with Dr. John and Cyril Neville in August are prime examples), the achievement that received the most note near the end of 2016 was his sixth album, "The Soul of Jimmie Rodgers."

Released in May, the acoustic record features Jackson's reinterpretations of Rodgers' songs and scored a Grammy Award nomination for the best traditional blues album. "The Soul of Jimmie Rodgers" will be going up against local bluesman Bobby Rush's "Porcupine Meat," on which Jackson also served as the musical director and guitarist.

We won't know the winner until the 59th annual Grammy Awards air on Sunday, Feb. 12, but it's exciting to see a longtime favorite of Mississippi blues fans getting wider-spanning attention for his work. — Micah Smith

UPDATED: Broadening the Tent: Lumumba Vows to Gain, Give Respect as Mayor

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Local attorney Chokwe Antar Lumumba stands in front of the community center on West Capitol Street named after his late father, Mayor Chokwe Lumumba. The son, now running for mayor for the second time, says his slogan is: “When I become mayor, you become mayor.”

Chokwe Antar Lumumba, 33, walks through downtown Jackson on Nov. 19, 2016, soaking up the warmth of the sunshine on the cold winter day as he outlines his plan to carry on the work of his late father, former Jackson Mayor Chokwe Lumumba, who died while in office.

His father was a nationally known leader of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement who originally came to Jackson from his native Detroit, Mich., taking a sabbatical during his second year of law school to join the black-freedom fight here. He was a part of a group of young intellectuals involved in the controversial Republic of New Afrika during the violent riot-filled years following the Civil Rights Movement in Jackson, resulting in several unsolved murders of local black people.

The elder Lumumba served as a cabinet member of the national RNA but was vice president of the provisional government that the group constructed for a theoretical new black nation in the South where African Americans would be safer.

The movement stalled in 1971, when Jackson police and FBI raided the group's headquarters at dawn on Lewis Street near Jackson State University, which ended with one dead police officer and 11 of Lumumba's fellow RNA members arrested. He was not in the house at the time.

The elder returned to Detroit to finish law school, and in 1977, he met a flight attendant named Patricia Ann Burke, who would change her name to Nubia when they married. Lumumba had a son from a previous marriage, Kambon, and soon after, the couple had their other two children, Rukia in 1978 and Antar in 1983. Lumumba moved the family to Brooklyn, N.Y., where they lived as he worked to grow his budding legal career, even representing rapper Tupac Shakur.

After New York, Lumumba brought his family back to Jackson in 1988 to organize social initiatives here, raising his children in the life of community advocacy, as well as trying to keep young black men out of the criminal-justice system. For years, the elder worked outside government, often a critic, but in 2009, became the Ward 1 councilman before later running for mayor. In his seven months as mayor, Lumumba grew popular even among many white conservatives who had opposed him, due to his intellect and his willingness to work across divides.

A defense lawyer like his father before him and his older sister, Rukia Lumumba, Chokwe Antar Lumumba said he wants to continue the work his father began, filling what he calls Jackson's lack of leadership. He ran for the seat after his father died but lost to current Mayor Tony Yarber, who is running for re-election.

Lumumba is no friend to crime, he said, telling the story of how his older brother was shot in the head in Jackson many years ago, paralyzed as a result. He said addressing that issue in a comprehensive way means getting to the core systemic issues that lead to many of Jackson's problems, including poverty and a lack of economic opportunity.

How do you plan to address the association the voters will have with your father, now that you are essentially attempting to step into his place?

It is something that I anticipated my whole life. I can get into my whole relationship with the Lord and the prayers I had as a child because of how much I looked up to my father. I would say, not knowing what that meant, "Lord I want you to use me for something powerful, I want to serve my people in a powerful way, and I want you to use me."

Running for political office (is) not what I envisioned (even) when my father mentioned, "Well, Chokwe, some people have been coming, and they want to know if we can really take some of this work we are trying to do and take it to a political, electoral like-fashion."

From the gate, the suggestion was that (my father) would run for mayor, and I would run for city council. And I said, "No, I am not doing that. I just got my law degree; I haven't been home for a year. I don't think it would be proper for me to run ...."

My father had a certain magic about getting his way ultimately. So he didn't push it. He never did try to push us, going into law, for instance. But his example spoke volumes, so it made you want to do it.

But I also discussed with him that "Look, you know I am going to be doing whatever work is necessary," and so I worked behind the scenes and with him all the time. And so I said, "I'll be honest with you, I think that people know who you are, and they know you in a certain capacity, though, and I don't think that you are viable to run for mayor at that time."

When was this?

Two-thousand-eight to 2009. I told him, "I don't think you are viable (as a candidate)," and we had a debate. It wasn't just me having a conversation with him, it was a number of people. We concluded that ... he should run for city council and see what he could do from there. Then we would, kind of, gather ourselves at the end of that and see whether that was sufficient or whether we needed to do something else. And so, obviously, you know where we went with that. And so he ran for mayor, and once again people said (to me), "Why don't you run for city council because he is vacating that seat?" And I said, once again, "No, that's not what I am interested in."

So the day (my father) died is the first time I started to contemplate whether I would take a step like that. And I didn't share that with anybody. I kept it to myself. I shared it the next day. I prayed with him, over my father, and I came to the decision after my prayers that sometimes political or leadership should come less out of political ambition and more out of necessity.

I thought it was necessary not because I think there is something so special about me, but I am committed, and I had the benefit of witnessing what I feel are the characteristics of leadership that must be embodied. That was my father's ultimate purpose, and he spoke of it often. He knew he had far more yesterdays than tomorrows, right? But he wanted to provide a model of leadership that he felt that we should seek and subscribe to.

What is a central initiative you want to implement as mayor?

We are going to make certain that we see the 1-percent-sales-tax plan that he adopted go into fruition, go fully through, and that is not happening now. There are some parts of it that the current administration is not aware of. Even though we invited and engaged some of the other council people, to be honest, the mayor wasn't one of those people that was working. So I think there are things that they failed to understand about how that should work. In terms of what we will adopt, we will adopt the same ideology that the people have to be incorporated into this process to a greater extent.

What's the first step in addressing infrastructure?

First of all, people have to understand the complexity of the issues with the infrastructure. We have probably a billion dollars' worth of infrastructure issues, and people complain the most about the roads, but the problem with the water and our pipes may be worse than the actual roads. What we designed to do with the 1 percent (sales tax) was to take the money that was coming in from that and leverage those dollars to take advantage that Jackson at that time had a really good bond rating.

We have a bond rating that we could still take advantage of, but it isn't as good as it was at that time. If you take advantage of that bond rating, and if you leverage that 1 percent, you could actually double and triple that money. We discovered how we could do that to get more money.

We had already contacted the governor's office (with a plan); my father had already met with (Mississippi Gov.) Phil Bryant. My plan would be to do the same, to sit down with him. There were already agreements in place that (Bryant) would provide money to the City of Jackson, which the current administration had a plan to do.

But this is where (Mayor Yarber and I) disagree. We disagree where we see a commission attached to a large sector of Jackson, creating a district which will be controlled, which incorporates all of the revenue-producing institutions in the City of Jackson, to be run by a governor which 85 percent of the citizens in that area more than likely did not vote for. And a state that is providing less than 1 percent of contracts to minorities. That's egregious.

Our view is this, to put it simply: You can't sell the house to pay the rent. So we feel that there are some agreements that we can come to and had come to in order to receive or get the State to take on its fair share of the process. But it's taking that 1 percent, utilizing that; it's leveraging that to fix the infrastructure issue, and it's also going and taking advantage of different grants and different procedures from the State to get it to do its fair share.

Do you support possible legal action against Siemens over the $90-million contract to repair Jackson's water infrastructure?

What I can tell you from the capacity of a lawyer is that what the federal government wants to see is movement, that you are taking action steps to reach your benchmarks. And the federal government usually is more inclined to negotiate than you might expect, and so I think that we need to take advantage of the opportunity to negotiate some extensions with the federal consent decree.

I am in favor (of suing), and I won't go too deep into that, because I don't think it's wise when you are looking at legal action, but I think that we need to investigate some serious legal action against Siemens. I have looked at some other cities in which Siemens has had contracts, and legal action has been taken on behalf of those cities, and they have succeeded. In most of those circumstances, far less money was given to Siemens in those deals than what Jackson gave. The Siemens deal was a horrible deal.

And for anyone that is spreading the rhetoric that it was a Lumumba deal, that's inaccurate. That Siemens deal was done under (former Mayor) Harvey Johnson. It was already a go; their names were already on the bonds. The only thing that my father had the responsibility of doing was signing the notice to proceed. (My father) really had his hands tied, and he even told Siemens, "Look, I'm inclined not to sign this; however, I realize that I would be setting Jackson up for all kinds of legal backlash. We could get sued." It would be failure to abide by a contract; that is a binding agreement.

Not to mention one of the things that was of a concern (to the elder Lumumba) is that a lot of the money that was supposed to be an upfront payment for the consent decree was tied into that deal. So he could not afford to (not abide by it). And so it was not his deal. He did not come up with the agreement. That was not something that he manufactured or dreamt up. But it was something that he had to sign: the notice to proceed. But that does not mean that we still don't see a need to pursue legal action against Siemens. And I think it would be advantageous for us to do so.

How would you improve the revenue stream for the City of Jackson?

We look at the fact that Jackson has some $80 million in uncollected revenues. And so if we are in an approximate $15-million deficit, $80 million in uncollected revenue can certainly help out. So what do we look at? How do we look at means in which we bring more of that money in?

I think we need to explore measures of ... the possibility of Amnesty Day; we have to be aggressive in bringing that revenue in. So we make agreements; if we can bring in $40 million of the $80 million in, that helps us.

Then we have to look at innovative ways of bringing in more revenue. I have been talking about (the need to upgrade parking meters since) before the council started talking about them. ... I disagree with the theory that we outsource to another company to do this.

I think that we can handle this ourselves, and the money that a company would take as revenue or as profit, we put back into our budget. Why aren't we doing this. Why are we looking to outsource every single thing?

Oftentimes when we outsource all of this work, that's paying back political debts. That's paying somebody a contract or giving somebody a contract that is going to put money back in your pocket. ... We don't have that luxury. Jackson is hurting, and the people need to see more for their dollar. And so we need to recover more money for the city.

I think that we can look at the option of making ourselves the most sustainable city in the nation. We could take advantage of solar panels and reduce our energy cost for the city. We could put solar panels on lights, on streetlights and reduce a lot of our overhead so that we are spending less money.

Then I think that we have to look at the option of whether we restructure some departments. Some people, what they are doing, they have to go to two or three departments to get something done when it could all be streamlined into one department. I think all of those things would help, in order to talk about everything you do to raise the budget; that is essentially the job of the mayor.

How do you address our increasing homicide rate with dropping police numbers and a dwindling budget?

I talked (earlier) about my brother getting shot in the head here in Jackson, and so I am no friend of crime. My family has actually felt the effects of this crime, so we can relate to what people are feeling and the experiences they are having. We have to be serious on crime. We have to be tough on crime, we have to be very tough on crime, and we have to give officers the resources they need in order to combat it.

With that being said, what you will hear from me, which is different, (is that) a big part of the issue of crime is the opportunities that exist in the city. If you don't do anything to combat the conditions which lead to crime, you can't out-police it. So what we have to do is engage our young people; we have to have greater opportunities to give them something else to do. And we have to fund that.

One of the things that was my father's baby was the basketball program that he worked (on) for years. He created the Jackson Panthers. In that program there were probably somewhere in the neighborhood of 700 boys that came through that program. And it had about a 98-percent success rate for getting young men in college.

The reason that succeeded so tremendously was because he took something that captured their attention and used that to keep them close enough to the process of learning: You're not able to play basketball if your grades aren't right, you can't go on these trips, you can't do any of these things. When we look at our young people, and I am not just leaving the issue of crime to young people, we have to find ways to connect with them. 
Clearly, that isn't happening enough. How do you change that?

My parents were organizers and put us in that, and one saying we have in organizing is "If you can only organize people who think like you, you are not much of an organizer."

So we have to meet people where they are, and have to engage our young people. We have to take advantage of the things that are of their interest and use that as the draw.

One thing that I like is the idea of investing in music studios. We have young people who are interested in music, interested in the arts. It could be a photo studio. And we take those things, and if we are looking at a music studio, so we have some rules. When you come in this studio, there is no derogatory language, there is no misogynistic language, but we are going to nurture your interests, we are going to nurture your talent, we are going to invest in your talent. And that engages young people.

I grew up here. I've been here since I was 5. I know what every young person has said at some time living in Jackson: There's nothing to do. And we have to take that criticism to heart, right? We have to take that criticism to heart and change that dynamic. Because the reality is that if there is nothing to do, they will find something to do.

Every block is going to be organized by somebody. It is either going to be organized by a positive force or a negative force. So we have to be the ones that control the blocks. So that's what we need to do. I said that I was going to come around to what people are suffering from.

How do you plan to deal with the complex relationship between the City and the State Legislature?

It really gets to the heart of how you get business done. How do you move the ball when you need to? And I understand some of the common rhetoric that is used against me as it was against my father: that we are too radical, that we don't have the relationships. People have to understand that I am an attorney throughout the entire state of Mississippi. I practice in Fulton County I practice in Neshoba, I practice in all of these places where the opposition doesn't look like me, the judge doesn't look like me, but yet I am able to have success in the courtroom.

The reason is because I understand that friendship is nice, icing on the cake, but more important than that is your respect. If you respect me, then that's the starting point that we need. Jackson hasn't fallen into the place that ... is because it has had too radical leadership. Jackson hasn't had anybody to fight for Jackson, first and foremost. ... Currently, we have a void of respect for our leadership taking place in the City of Jackson. And you talk about people investing. I won't go into those specifics, but good try.

How do you get more people, including state leaders, to invest in Jackson's future?

You talk about people investing, you talk about trying to get things passed in the Legislature. You wouldn't invest in a company you didn't respect. If you had questions in terms of its leadership or who is at the helm, that is one of the major things that company's stocks go up and down based on their leadership.

That's what I want: to establish that you are, one, serious about what you are trying to achieve, and I am willing to have a conversation with anybody. I am willing to talk to anybody, but the starting point of those conversations is that we have a mutual respect for one another and the things that we are trying to do. If a friendship develops in the process, great, but the first thing is that we understand what we are trying to do and identify common interests.

And I think that there are some common interests. I think that if we talk about the state of Mississippi and the view of the state of Mississippi and how we build the state of Mississippi, that is closely associated to the progress of Jackson. The state of Mississippi will never progress, the state of Mississippi will never stop being last in everything unless the city of Jackson is able to succeed. So we need to identify how we do that and ... our common goals.

You have to be a negotiator, but you can't view negotiation from the standpoint of, "I am going to friend you to death, be the best friend to you." It's about identifying common interests and about identifying points of leverage. How do I leverage my point so that I am able to advance my agenda? 
 One of the things said about the Legislature when my father took office was they didn't feel the leadership had come across there enough, had spent enough time with the Legislature, asking them. I'm going to be over there. I'm going to be knocking on some doors. I'm going to be letting you know, "This is what we need."

How do you plan to address or support efforts to revitalize downtown?

In terms of downtown revitalization, I don't think downtown Jackson is suffering because you have a couple of panhandlers. That isn't the crux of our problem. We need to focus on downtown. We are (walking) on Capitol Street right now. There should be opportunities to take people's money right here, in terms of businesses. There should be some opportunity where we have some retail spaces. Maybe a Gap or Banana Republic. There should be opportunities to do so.

I am going to be a building mayor. I am not going to stop development. At the same time, the tone that I want to strike is that we want businesses to come. We will do whatever we need to do to incentivize businesses coming. Come to Jackson and make a lot of money, but also invest the money back in the city.

Sam's (Club) made a lot of money in Jackson. But Sam's wasn't invested in Jackson, and so they left. And so we need businesses that want to come and also be invested enough to see us develop and see us grow and see us go into the next phase. 
 As we focus on how we develop Jackson and specifically downtown, we have to make certain that we bring businesses that are about the business of investing back in Jackson. And we can't let ourselves to just be focused on downtown. We have to be focused around town. Because what you achieve if you don't focus around town is you see an island of wealth surrounded by a sea of poverty.

Whether we are talking about how we create opportunity, how we look at contracts, how we look at city employees and how they are paid, how we look at our budget, it comes to two essential options to me. We have the option of economics by the people and for the people, or economics by a few people for themselves. That's what it has been thus far; it has been economics by few people for themselves.

I don't want to push people from the table; I want to bring more people to the table. I am trying to broaden the tent. Because Jackson doesn't have a problem producing wealth; it has a problem maintaining wealth. And how we do that is not going to happen by mistake.

It is going to require an intentional effort in which we make the strategic decisions and enforce policy that makes that happen, that allows for us to recover more money for the city of Jackson.

It comes back to leadership.

Email city reporter Tim Summers Jr. at tim@jacksonfreepress.com and follow him on Twitter @tims_alive. Read more on the mayoral race at jfp.ms/election2017.

About the Candidate

Chokwe Antar Lumumba, 33

Education: Callaway High School, graduated 2001

Tuskegee University, political science, 2005

Thurgood Marshall School of Law, Texas Southern University, 2008

Experience: Worked with his father, former Mayor Chokwe Lumumba, during his time as city councilman and mayor.

Managing Law Partner of Lumumba and Associates, LLC, for more than three years

Married to Ebony McNeal, whom he met in kindergarten, and together they have one daughter, almost-3-year-old Alake Maryama.

CORRECTION: A previous version of this article reported that Chokwe Antar Lumumba's brother was shot fatally in the head in Jackson. He was left paralyzed from the incident. We regret the error. The story has been changed to reflect the correct information.

The District Attorney's Mistrial: What Just Happened? A Day-by-Day Primer

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The Mississippi attorney general's prosecution of Hinds County District Attorney Robert Shuler Smith for conspiracy to hinder prosecution in order to aid or assist a defendant ended in a mistrial on Jan. 4, 2017, in Special Judge Larry Roberts' courtroom. That means the whole affair begins anew now, culminating in a new trial on June 12. Several of the players and testimony might remain the same even as both sides can adjust their courtroom strategy, and new information can emerge in the meantime. What really happened during the Smith trial despite the "tainted" juror who helped lead to a quick mistrial? What was revealed? What hints emerged for the next trial?

Here's a day-by-day highlight reel. Read much more, now and 
going forward, at jfp.ms/DAFiles.

DAY ONE, Monday, Dec. 19: A Diverse Jury

The first day of trial began with the process that ultimately failed to ensure a proper ending to the trial itself: jury selection.

The State dropped charges against Assistant District Attorney Jamie McBride, whom they indicted along with Smith in September, after assistant attorneys general informed the court that McBride would be testifying against Smith for the prosecution.

After jury selection, the jurors—10 black and two white; two men and 10 women—went home for the day, after the judge instructed them not to talk with anyone about the trial, use social media or have any contact with either side.

DAY TWO, Tuesday, Dec. 20: Freeing Mr. Butler

The court resumed the next morning to hear opening arguments for both sides.

Assistant Attorney General Bob Anderson told the jury of the "inside baseball" that ended with the charges investigators leveled against Smith, starting with his efforts to free Christopher Butler, a Jackson man facing drug charges from a 2011 Mississippi Bureau of Narcotics raid and later wire-fraud and embezzlement charges.

Smith's attorney, Jim Waide of Tupelo, wanted the jury to be aware of a "great personal vindictiveness" between the Hinds County district attorney's office and the attorney general's office, a tension that led, eventually, to the charges against Smith, he argued.

Waide blamed the 2015 election campaign between Smith and former assistant district attorney and current assistant attorney general Stanley Alexander for the rough feelings. Waide said for the first time that Smith had only known Butler since what he called a chance meeting in the parking lot of P.F. Chang's restaurant in Ridgeland in 2012.

Waide said that after Smith learned of the particulars of the charges Butler faced, the district attorney tried to move to drop the charges. But Hinds County Circuit Court Judge Jeff Weill blocked the effort, in the face of evidence Smith said proved that MBN planted drugs during the raid. The contents and condition of the video from the surveillance system in the home would serve as one of the pivotal points of the trial in the days to come.

The State first called FBI Special Agent Robert Culpepper to the stand to explain how he came to secure then-Assistant District Attorney Ivon Johnson as a secret informant in the district attorney's office. He said he first contacted Johnson in Natchez in a parking lot with a warrant for the contents of Johnson's cell phone.

Culpepper explained that Johnson taped three different conversations with Smith during his time as an informant during 2016. Culpepper said he handed the tapes over to the attorney general's office after Smith's arrest in June. Waide asked Culpepper about McBride, whom the FBI agent had interviewed in August 2016. Culpepper said McBride wanted to answer his questions but was afraid of being fired if he spoke.

Johnson was the next witness the prosecution called to the stand. The former assistant district attorney told the jury that he rose very quickly in his short time at the district attorney's office, starting in 2013, assigned to prosecute in Judge Jeff Weill's courtroom, and that he grew to have close conversations with Smith. Some of those dialogues, he said, centered on the Butler case, about which Johnson said Smith "had a very hands-on approach."

During Johnson's testimony, the prosecution showed the jury slides with excerpts from the secret recordings Johnson made of Smith in three separate meetings. In the recordings, Smith and Johnson discussed the Butler situation, specifically how Smith planned to "get that ass" when talking about Judge Weill.

The prosecution asked Johnson a lot about Smith's attitude toward the Butler case, which Johnson said was outside the norm. He said Smith took a personal interest in the case, and that his stated goal was to "ultimately free Christopher Butler."

Johnson said he had told Smith, early in his employment with the office, that he had accepted bribes from an old client, Marietta Harris, to lower a bond for her nephew. He said Smith told him at the time not to worry about it, that everyone makes mistakes.

DAY THREE, Wednesday, Dec. 21: Bribery and Other 'Scams'

The court began the next day with Waide's cross-examination of Johnson, which pushed for Smith's former employee to explain more about the bribery scheme he admitted to in his plea deal with the federal government for his conspiracy to commit bribery charges. Johnson had said during testimony the day before that he was unsure what the judge would decide for his sentence but that he faced up to five years and had already lost his license to practice law.

Waide asked him to name the other parties involved in the bribery scheme, whether they were in the district attorney's office, and whether the bribery still continued. Johnson said he could not point to anyone else, that he was only involved with Harris.

But Johnson did say that Smith asked him in 2015 through text messages whether he was still working with Harris. This, Johnson said, was because of a separate "scam" that Smith thought was at work within the office.

"Again the scam, the situation, are two totally different things," Johnson said.

In the other alleged "scam," Johnson said, family members gave money to intermediaries to solicit bribes for lower bonds or dropped charges for their imprisoned relatives. These community members alleged connections to the district attorney's office to the families, and after the money was exchanged, these influence peddlers would disappear. It is unclear from the testimony if there were several people that participated or a few.

It was this scam, Johnson testified, that sent Robert "Too Sweet" Henderson to him, inquiring as to why Smith would not return his requests to meet about money Henderson had collected in exchange for lower bonds. Henderson would testify later to this scheme, described as a swap of "support" for Smith's campaign for favorable treatment.

DAY FOUR, Thursday, Dec. 22: Smith v. Judges

Ivon Johnson, Smith's former assistant district attorney, appeared again on the stand for day four of the trial.

Waide started with another round of cross-examination, again probing Johnson for his reasons for pleading no contest to the federal charges for conspiracy involving bribery. The federal document names the total involved in the scheme as $15,000, when Johnson said that he had only taken $500. Johnson said the larger number was included because the overall conspiracy might grow with charges against other "unknown" participants in the future, supporting what Waide asserted was a larger conspiracy.

Johnson, during Anderson's redirect, said that it was Smith who coordinated the offices efforts to subpoena Weill and others in front of a grand jury concerning the Butler case. Johnson said that while Smith organized and led the effort that he, McBride and another assistant district attorney, Walter Bleck, all supported the plan.

The State brought to the stand several employees of the Hinds County Sheriff's Department to testify about Smith's visits to Butler in the jail.

Sanford Knott, the attorney who represented Butler during the first part of 2016, also took the stand that afternoon, describing the March 3, 2016, hearing in front of Hinds County Court Judge Melvin Priester Sr. for the wire fraud and embezzlement charges.

Knott, as Butler's attorney at the preliminary hearing, addressed the court about his client's position that day. He also mentioned Smith's interruption of those proceedings to interject his belief that the attorney general's office, through assistant attorneys general Shaun Yurtkuran and Patrick Beasley, was attempting to prevent him from investigating the 2011 MBN raid of Butler's home. Smith argued that the State had brought Butler's newer wire fraud and embezzlement charges to interfere with his earlier attempts to prove Butler was not guilty of drug charges. The newer white-collar crimes fell directly under the attorney general's office's jurisdiction to prosecute by state statute.

As a result of Smith's interjection, Priester filed a complaint with the Mississippi Bar Association, which along with his behavior toward other judges including Hinds County Circuit Judge Tomie Green, resulted in a warning to Smith.

Knott told the jury that he visited Butler in jail to inform him that the district attorney would come see him to get an affidavit signed.

Lee McDivitt, the investigator with the attorney general's office who arrested Smith on June 22 with an affidavit, was the next witness up for the prosecution. He outlined the evidence that led him to arrest the district attorney. He said that the same March 3 Knott had described was the first time that the actions of the district attorney drew his attention.

McDivitt, a member of the public-corruption division of the attorney general's office, said Smith's behavior during the hearing led to a warrant from a justice court judge (because all circuit judges recused) for the contents of Smith's cell phone, which McDivitt also seized when he arrested Smith. McDivitt said members of the district attorney's staff attempted to prevent him from getting the cell phone that day.

McDivitt said he had never seen a district attorney be so committed to getting charges dropped against a defendant, stating that it was Smith's job to put people behind bars, not to free them. He said Smith's erratic behavior at the Priester hearing led to Smith's arrest.

Judge Larry Roberts sent the jury home for a long holiday weekend, instructing them not to discuss the case or take in any media reports during the four-days intervening.

DAY FIVE, Tuesday, Dec. 27, 2016: From Drugs to Wire Fraud

In one of the more unique moments to the case, the prosecution called the defense counsel, Jim Waide, to the stand as their next witness. Prosecutor Anderson asked Waide what evidence he had that the MBN planted drugs at the Butler home, the supposed motivation for Smith's enthusiasm for Butler's freedom.

Waide said that, for his part, he leaned heavily on the investigative work of Assistant District Attorney Jamie McBride (who had been arrested with Smith and later his charges dropped) on the case, including questions about how certain cameras in Butler's house had cut out, mentioning specifically a "camera two" in the video, but admitting that most of the evidence was "circumstantial."

Then DA Smith, in his cross-examination of his own attorney, asked if Waide had ever seen anything like the case in front of the court in his time as a defense attorney. Waide said he had never "seen anything like this before," referring to the charges against Smith. Waide said the animosity between Smith, Weill and the attorney general's office had been festering for years and that, in his opinion Smith, his client, was not being treated fairly.

The State then called Kwanza Hilliard, the former girlfriend of Butler who shared the house with him that the MBN raided in 2011. She said Butler had gotten in trouble years before for drugs, that neither were dealing drugs at the time. She said the money found in the house, around $100,000, belonged to her. She even hired former Hinds County District Attorney Faye Peterson—whom Smith defeated for his first term as DA—to be her lawyer for a forfeiture hearing about the money. Waide and Hilliard both stated that, during that hearing, Peterson argued that there were problems with the video of the MBN raid. Hilliard said she was shopping at the mall during the raid and had no idea whether the MBN planted the drugs. (Neither side called Peterson as a witness.)

The next witness for the prosecution was one of the two assistant attorneys general, Patrick Beasley, who also left the district attorney's office to work for Attorney General Jim Hood. Beasley and Yurtkuran were the two attorneys who charged Butler with wire fraud and embezzlement in January 2016 in connection to an alleged scam Butler implemented while working at Mega Mattress, a local furniture outlet.

Butler, on top of his criminal charges, also faces civil litigation from the finance company associated with the store concerning that case.

Beasley said he attended the March 3 hearing in Priester's courtroom and related to the jury how Smith acted. Beasley said he had viewed the tape of the MBN raid and did not see any evidence of tampering or planting of evidence, which Priester also said during Butler's wire-fraud hearing to Smith in his courtroom. Beasley also addressed Waide's claims during earlier testimony that the attorney general's office had pressured Butler to tell them about his relationship with Smith, saying he told Knott that Butler had options.

Waide also asked Beasley about any hostility between himself and Smith, which Beasley first brushed off as one-sided. Waide then showed the court texts between Smith and Beasley from 2015, when Smith accused him of being an "Uncle Tom" and a "traitor," comments that Beasley said in court that he still did not completely understand.

Smith's attorney also asked Beasley about the timing of his call to McBride shortly before the district attorney's initial arrest in June 2016, asking whether Smith planned to indict him and Yurtkuran. "I did not know that we were about to arrest Smith," Beasley said in response, emphasizing later that his wire-fraud case against Butler had nothing to do with the earlier drug charges he still faces.

DAY SIX, Wednesday, Dec. 28, 2016: Smith and the Ledger

Assistant District Attorney Jamie McBride, formerly a defendant the grand jury indicted alongside Smith in September, took the stand for the State the next morning, although it is not clear what the prosecution wished to secure from McBride.

McBride's perspective seemed to hold authority over whether there was enough evidence to clear Butler to justify Smith's actions because the DA had asked him to assemble all the information needed to drop the drug charges.

However, during the prosecution's direct examination, McBride showed only support for Smith. McBride, whose attorney is former Mayor Dale Danks Jr., said he still had questions about the integrity of the MBN video. He indicated issues with footage from one of the cameras in particular, arguing that these "discrepancies" caused him concern. He said he did not think that Smith's actions in this case were too much, stating that the prosecutor's role is to "seek justice."

Waide also dismissed some of the offensive language that Smith used in the correspondence that the jury had seen to date. He explained that sometimes Smith lost his temper and would call McBride to "vent." He said Smith's discussions of targeting Weill and the assistant attorneys general was also a part of that tendency to vent and that he had not heard of any intention to indict Beasley or Yurtkuran.

The State then called Robbie Odom, another investigator for the attorney general's office, who explained his perspective of Smith's activities that led to his June arrest.

The prosecution used text messages from Smith's phone to show that the district attorney communicated with The Clarion-Ledger's reporter about his desire to clear Butler a month before Smith's initial arrest in June 2016, even going so far as offering to buy an ad in the newspaper for upward for "$1,000 to $2,000" on May 17 to ensure that the newspaper ran a "full-page" story about Butler, a story he was pitching to the reporter.

"Summary: political prisoners who are being held on false charges because of the AG's office and Judge Jeff Weill fighting the hinds DA," he wrote the reporter on May 17 about his Butler pitch. "It's very serious because their constitutional and civil rights are being violated. Dennis (S)weet represents another defendant and he is furious about it. I'm filing something today on Christopher butler. Thanks. I know you're busy (sic)."

The reporter, Anna Wolfe, didn't initially respond, and four days later, Smith followed up his pitch: "We're going to implement a strategy that will go viral. It's awesome and would want you to cover it before kingsnake tries to cover it on his gossip website." Wolfe texted back on May 24 that she would tell court reporter Jimmie Gates about the pitch, but she soon took over covering Smith's trial and was in the courtroom when the prosecution put the text messages on a large screen for the jury.

Smith had previously complimented Wolfe and talked about money in texts as well. "You're the best in journalism as long as you're not covering my office. Haha," Smith texted Wolfe, who previously worked for the JFP for several months. "I'll hire you personally at whatever salary you want in private business," he texted May 12. She did not respond.

The text exchange between Smith and Wolfe entered into evidence began April 28 and reveal that Smith was conducting an "investigation" of a different story, before later pitching his effort on behalf of Butler to her, and that he had provided "bank records" to Wolfe. When Smith asked her on May 2, "Did my investigation help out," the reporter responded, "Very much."

The text chain does not confirm what investigation the two were working on, but Wolfe published a story about Mayor Tony Yarber's mortgage on May 21, which relied on "bank records," but without giving a source for them. The next day, Smith texted the reporter, "Go Anna!! Socrates is scum ... I gotcha back.

The next day, Smith texted her, without context or specifics, that Donna Ladd, the editor-in-chief of the Jackson Free Press, was "hatin" and had already printed "false, slanderous things about me and my family." After the prosecution showed the texts to the jury in court, Smith told the JFP that he had no comment about the remarks.

Smith has never reached out to the JFP about any factual errors, although he has in years past complained that the newspaper had reported that former DA Ed Peters and Mayor Frank Melton had supported his early campaign, which was factual. He also told Wolfe that "if it weren't for my family, (Ladd's) newspaper wouldn't exist," a puzzling statement that appeared on a screen in front of the jury.

In fact, Smith has not returned the JFP's phone calls in recent years, except one instance during his last campaign when he told a reporter he would grant him an interview at 7:30 a.m., and the reporter declined. That reporter is no longer with the newspaper.

The district attorney chose to cross-examine Odom himself, presenting him with a copy of a transcript from a different hearing involving a grand-jury testimony of Tracey Chandler, a woman who alleged that she had given someone attached to the district attorney's office money to help get her husband, accused of murder, out of jail. Smith clearly wanted to show that he was fighting against corruption within his office, even as the prosecution attempted to show that the office was rife with bribery and corruption on Smith's watch, with witnesses testifying that he was aware of the money offers.

DAY SEVEN, Thursday, Dec. 29, 2016: 'Too Sweet' Turns on Smith

The big witness for the State during day seven was Robert "Too Sweet" Henderson, a former felon who former Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour pardoned with the blessing of DA Smith. Henderson worked on Smith's campaign, telling the jury that during the election he solicited bribes, called "donations," from community members at the behest of Smith in exchange for lowering bonds and dropping charges.

Henderson said he acted as the go-between for Smith, negotiating three different deals. In exchange for "support," in the form of cash, Henderson would arrange the deal and pass the "support" over to Smith. Henderson said that after Smith did not follow through on his promises to the people paying for the favors, he feared for his safety. "I shouldn't be here," Henderson said, adding that Smith had put him in a "bad situation."

Henderson said he did not have a deal with the attorney general's office for his testimony. The FBI had, however, approached and arrested him after he attempted to contact then-assistant district attorney and FBI-informant Ivon Johnson about the bribes.

"He left you hanging?" Anderson asked Henderson. "Yes, sir," he responded.

After Henderson, the State rested their case.

The defense, for its first witness, called Christopher Butler to the stand. For the man at the center of the feud between the two prosecutorial agencies, Butler's testimony was muted and short, thanks mostly to his attorney, Kevin Rundlett, who objected to almost every question asked of Butler.

Butler still faces both the drug and wire-fraud charges, and as a result, as the judge said, could not predict how any of his answers could be used against him in those trials.

The same thing occurred with the next witness for the defense, U.S. Attorney Greg Davis, whose attorney objected to most questions.

DAY EIGHT, Friday, Dec. 30, 2016: Weill on Smith

The next day the same pattern continued when Hinds County Circuit Court Judge Jeff Weill took the stand, despite protests from his attorney, Frank Trapp, that the judicial-privilege precedent in Mississippi law allowed the judge to remain mum about his thought process or decision-making in any of his closed or current cases.

So, as Waide kept attempting to talk to Weill about the Butler case, Weill and Trapp both reiterated that the judge could not discuss matters over which he currently presides.

Weill did tell the court about his relationship with Smith, which he described in court documents released before the trial as "adversarial." His story in court reflected that as he recounted an incident where he seized a cell phone belonging to one of Smith's assistants when it went off during a hearing in a capital-murder case. Weill instructed one of his bailiffs to take the phone, which is not an uncommon practice for a judge.

The judge said Smith showed up later in the afternoon, banging on his chamber doors. Weill said Smith brought a television crew with him, demanding that Weill return the cell phone, which he did. Weill said that later that night he received "threatening" messages from the district attorney. This behavior led Weill to file a complaint with the Mississippi Bar against the district attorney, which Judges Priester and Tomie Green also did in response to his behavior related to the Butler cases.

As for the nol pros motion that Smith requested from Weill to dismiss the charges against Butler, the judge said the request initially to him felt "aberrant" and that it was not unusual for him to request more information before he approved such a motion to drop charges against a defendant. He said neither Smith nor his office ever complied with his request for more information.

The defense's next witness was a member of the community, Tony Davis, an active social-media gadfly well known to media for long accusatory emails of a variety of public figures and whose actions years ago led former Sheriff Tyrone Lewis to file a restraining order against him. The defense used Davis to attack the credibility of Henderson; Davis called him a "confidence man and a liar." He also said that he knew of Smith through family connections and that he believed the district attorney to be "very honest."

DAY NINE, Tuesday, Jan. 3, 2017: Annoyed

The trial moved to a different courtroom for the next day of trial, after another long holiday weekend, for the final defense witnesses, which included two members of Butler's family and Ward 3 Councilman Kenneth Stokes.

Derek McDonald, Butler's brother, testified that he became concerned about Butler after his mother began receiving letters about his conditions in jail. He said Butler had problems keeping an attorney during the intervening months before the trial, even dropping Sanford Knott in March of this year, and went months without any representation at all. He said he saw Smith and Butler speak once, during a visit to the jail in March.

Evia Butler, Christopher Butler's mother, said she was concerned about her son's safety. She said that after Butler's arrest in January for the wire-fraud charges that she began to call "everyone," including Stokes, who stepped up to the stand to discuss one of the letters from Butler that he had read on a local radio show. (His wife, Larita Cooper-Stokes, is also a Hinds County circuit judge who recused from the cases.)

Stokes, an attorney by training, said he read the letter on the radio, even asking the district attorney to appear, to draw attention to the issue, although he was not directly acquainted with anyone involved. He said his office receives a lot of letters from inmates and that his purpose for reading the letter on the radio was simply to bring attention to what he characterized as an "injustice."

That afternoon, back in the original courtroom, the jury heard the testimony of Gale Walker, a former assistant district attorney, who has a wrongful termination suit against the district attorney's office. She testified that while she worked with the office and was assigned the Butler case, Smith became annoyed with her resistance to his plan for helping Butler. She said that, eventually, the Butler case was the reason that Smith fired her.

"It had everything to do with it," Walker told the jury.

Walker said she believed she had all necessary evidence to gain a conviction of Butler on the drug charges and that Smith was afraid because he knew she could get the conviction. She said she never saw any evidence that drugs were planted during the MBN raid.

DAY TEN, Wednesday, Jan. 4, 2017:

The last day of the trial started in a similar way to the first, with the judge giving instructions to the jury, telling them to use the evidence presented in front of them during the trial and nothing else to make their determination of guilt or innocence.

During closing arguments, Special Assistant Attorney General Marvin Sanders asked the jury to remember the recorded statements of Smith introduced throughout the trial that mentioned Butler and the passion to drop his charges. He also recalled the serious-but-unconfirmed suspicions the district attorney had about the planting of drugs and that Smith, as an attorney, knew of the statute forbidding a district attorney from aiding or assisting a criminal defendant.

"He should know how to read a statute and interpret it," Sanders said. "Mr. Smith does not care who he destroys in his efforts to get Christopher Butler off."

Waide, on the other hand, first attacked the testimony of Henderson, whom he called a "psychopath." He said all the attorney general's efforts in the months leading up to Smith's arrest were to prevent Smith from indicting their own staff members. He said the prosecution had kept Butler on a string, subject to the State's every whim in an effort to pin the DA with something: "They have him in a noose." Waide evoked, in a moment that brought him close to tears, the eulogy of Robert Kennedy by his brother, Sen. Ted Kennedy—saying these two Roberts, Smith and Kennedy, only sought justice.

But none of that mattered in the end, as the jury sent a note up to Special Judge Larry Roberts two hours into afternoon deliberations asking how to deal with a juror who had a preconceived notion about Smith before the trial began. WAPT soon broke the news that the juror was a Jackson Police Department employee who other jurors said used her predisposed notions about the district attorney's habits to influence the final verdict.

The judge asked the jury to continue deliberating despite this, although when the jury sent another note back it was to inform the court that the jury was split on guilt and could not reach a verdict. Roberts agreed and scheduled another trial for June 12 when it will start all over again.

Read a substantive and ongoing timeline of the events at jfp.ms/DAtimeline and find full coverage of the DA saga at jfp.ms/DAFiles. Email reporter Tim Summers at tim@jacksonfreepress.com and follow him on Twitter at @tims_alive for breaking news.

Best of Jackson 2017: Community & Culture

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Best Radio Personality or Team; Radio Station: Carson and Bender, Y101

WYOY, 101.7, y101.com

In the world of Top-40 radio, Y101 is one of the stations that stands out, and not just because it earned two Best of Jackson titles, Best Radio Personality and Best Radio Station, yet again. The company that owns Y101, The Radio People, has several stations throughout the South, but allows them some freedom to bring individuality to their programming.

"We want to be the iPod for the city of Jackson," Y101 program director and morning-show host Carson Case says. "We want you to be listening to your favorite songs every time you get in the car."

Case starts his day with co-hosts Chris Bender and Cami Marlowe on "The Morning Showgram with Carson and Bender." By the time people tune in, they've been up for hours preparing for the show, and when the program is over, they begin prepping for the next day.

However, Bender says it doesn't feel like work.

"We have a real passion for what we do," he says. "This is a blessing."

Both hosts credit the listeners for their success, saying that they help to move the show forward every morning.—Dawn Dugle

Best Radio Personality or Team finalists: Bo Bounds (ESPN The Zone 105.9, thezone1059.com) / Marshall Ramsey (MPB 91.3, mpbonline.org) Nate & Traci (US 96.3, us963.com) / Paul Gallo (SuperTalk Mississippi, supertalk.fm) / Rick & Kim (Miss 103, miss103.com)

Best Radio Stations finalists: WJMI (99 Jams, 99.7, wjmi.com) / WJSU (88.5, wjsu.org) / WMPN (MPB 91.3, mpbonline.org) / WRBJ (97.7, thebeatofthecapital.com) / WUSJ (US 96.3, us963.com)

Best Local Live Theater/Theatrical Group; Best Stage Play: New Stage Theatre, "Steel Magnolias"

1100 Carlisle St., 601-948-3533, newstagetheatre.com

New Stage Theatre, which Jacksonians selected as 2017's Best Local Live Theater/Theatrical Group, is one of the groups that helped bring art to the forefront in the metro area, and it's been around so long that most people in the area have at least heard of it, and most have attended plays there.

Jane Reid Petty founded New Stage as a nonprofit in 1965, and its first season began in winter 1966. The company produced 13 seasons in its first building, a repurposed church on Gallatin and Hooker streets, before moving to its current location in Belhaven in 1978.

In 2016, the theater began its 51st season, which featured plays such as "Our Town" and "A Christmas Story: The Musical," along with this year's winner for Best Stage Play, "Steel Magnolias." Many southern women will remember the play's 1989 movie adaptation, which starred actresses such as Dolly Parton, Julia Roberts and Sally Field. New Stage's production opened Sept. 13, 2016, full of gossip, southern banter, and of course, big hair. New Stage's next production, "Madagascar—A Musical Adventure," opens Jan. 27 and runs through Feb. 5.—Amber Helsel

Best Local Live Theater/Theatrical Group finalists: Black Rose Theatre Company (103 Black St., Brandon, 601-825-1293) / Center Players Community Theatre (madisoncenterplayers.org) / Fondren Theatre Workshop (fondrentheatreworkshop.com) / MADDRAMA (Jackson State University, 1400 John R. Lynch St., jsums.edu) / Misfit Monkeys Improv Comedy Troupe LLC (misfitmonkeyscomedy.com)

Best Stage Play finalists: "Avenue Q" (Fondren Theatre Workshop, fondrentheatreworkshop.com) / "The Dance of the Lion King" (Montage Theatre of Dance, Hinds Community College, hindscc.edu) / "Our Town" (New Stage Theatre, 1100 Carlisle St., 601-948-3533, newstagetheatre.com) / "The Wiz" (MADDRAMA, Jackson State University, 1400 John R. Lynch St., jsums.edu)

Best Arts Organization: Mississippi Museum of Art

380 S. Lamar St., 601-960-1515, msmuseumart.org

When people research the art community in Jackson, one of the first results they may come across is one of the largest art museums in the state, the Mississippi Museum of Art. It has come a long way since its beginnings as the Mississippi Art Association in the early 1900s.

In conjunction with the "When Modern Was Contemporary" exhibit, which opened April 9, 2016, and ran through Oct. 30, 2016, the MMA put a greater focus on modern and contemporary art over the past year, including through classes, seminars and the monthly Museum After Hours events. The exhibit also inspired the "Mapping a Modern Mississippi" initiative, through which the museum facilitated interviews with many important creatives around the state to highlight Mississippi's growing artistic community. MMA continues a focus on visual art from around the state with the Mississippi Invitational exhibit, which opened Dec. 17 and will run through March 11.—Amber Helsel

Finalists: The Craftsmen's Guild of Mississippi (950 Rice Road, 601-856-7546, craftsmensguildofms.org) / Greater Jackson Arts Council (201 E. Pascagoula St., 601-960-1557) / Mississippi Metropolitan 
Ballet
(110 Homestead Drive, Madison, 601-853-4508, msmetroballet.com) / New Stage Theatre (1100 Carlisle St., 601-948-3533, newstagetheatre.com)

Best Public Forum or Speaker Series: Millsaps College Arts & Lecture Series

Millsaps College, 1701 N. State St.; 601-974-1000; millsaps.edu

Learning is a lifetime thing. We all have hobbies and skills we want to pick up, and most likely, we all want to learn more about specific topics. That is where this year's Best Public Forum or Speaker Series comes in. For the second consecutive year, Jacksonians chose Millsaps College's Arts and Lecture Series for the award.

The college created the series in the mid-1960s as a way to bring speakers and programs to share knowledge on topics such as music, art, literature and history to Jackson-area residents. Recent programs have included a talk on the craft-beer industry in Mississippi with Craig Hendry, Lucas Simmons and Matthew McLaughlin in November 2016 and "The State of Our State: Mississippi at 200 Years" with speakers Frank X. Walker, William Martin Wiseman and Stephanie Rolph in January.

For the next event, world-renowned guitarist David Burgess will host "An Evening of Latin Guitar Music" on Feb. 21.—Amber Helsel

Finalists: 1 Million Cups (Coalesce Cooperative Work Environment, 109 N. State St., 601-985-7979, coalescejxn.com) / Friday Forum (136 S. Adams St, 601-960-3008, koinoniacoffeehousejackson.com) / History Is Lunch (Mississippi Department of Archives and History, mdah.state.ms.us) / TEDxJackson (tedxjackson.com) / Thick and Proud Sisters (TAPS) "Love & Life" Series

Best Dance Group: Ballet Magnificat!

5406 Interstate 55 N., 601-977-1001, balletmagnificat.com

Even if you're not a fan of ballet, chances are, you've heard of Ballet Magnificat!, which has been a winner and finalist in Best of Jackson for many years.

Founders Kathy and Keith Thibodeaux are artists in their own right. Keith played Little Ricky on "I Love Lucy" and Johnny Paul on "The Andy Griffith Show." He was also the drummer for rock band David and the Giants.

Kathy was one of the first contract dancers for the Jackson Ballet Company. She also won a silver medal at the USA International Ballet Competition in 1982.

The pair founded Ballet Magnificat! in 1986 and opened its School of the Arts three years later. Today, the school has about 300 students enrolled, and its company has two full-time touring troupes under the Ballet Mag umbrella. When they're not touring across the world, you can also catch them performing at local churches and through productions such as 2016's "Light Has Come: The Angels' Story."—Jessica Smith

Finalists: Ballet Mississippi (201 E. Pascagoula St., Suite 106, 601-960-1560, balletms.com) / Dancing Dolls (The Dollhouse Dance Factory, 1410 Ellis Ave., 601-969-4000, dollhousedancefactory.com) / Mississippi Metropolitan Ballet
(110 Homestead Drive, Madison, 601-853-4508, msmetroballet.com) / Montage Theatre of Dance (Hinds Community College, hindscc.edu) / Purple Diamonds (Diamond Dance Company, 1256 W. Capitol St., 601-323-7476, diamonddancecompanyjackson.com)

Best Nonprofit Organization: Stewpot Community Services

1100 W. Capitol St., 601-353-2759, stewpot.org

Any urban area like Jackson deals with difficult issues such as homelessness. Thankfully, the city has a few organizations and people that step up to help stem it, including this year's winner for Best Nonprofit Organization, Stewpot Community Services.

The nonprofit started out in 1981 as a collaboration between seven local churches across many denominations that came together to figure out how to better help Jackson's homeless and poor populations. At first, the organization made use of an old gas station on West Capitol Street while the organization was housed in Central Presbyterian Church nearby, but after the church closed in 1992, the Presbytery of Mississippi donated the building to Stewpot.

Along with its Community Kitchen, which provides lunch to more than 120 people in need every day, the organization also has services such as men's and women's shelters, a clothing closet, a food pantry, a health clinic and the Opportunity Center, which is a day shelter that gives more than 100 homeless Jacksonians access to amenities such as showers, washing machines, computers and telephones each day.—Amber Helsel

Finalists: Cheshire Abbey (cheshireabbey@gmail.com) / Community Animal Rescue & Adoption (960 N. Flag Chapel Road, 601-922-7575, carams.org) / Junior League of Jackson (805 Riverside Drive, 601-948-2357) / The Mustard Seed, Inc. (1085 Luckney Road, Brandown, 601-992-3556, mustardseedinc.com) / Operation Shoestring (1711 Bailey Ave., 601-353-6336, operationshoestring.org)

Best Community Garden/Nature Attraction: Mississippi Museum of Natural Science

2148 Riverside Drive, 601-576-6000, museum.mdwfp.com

If you ever want to find a location to get in touch with nature, try the Mississippi Museum of Natural Science, this year's winner for Best Community Garden/Nature Attraction.

Fannye A. Cook, who helped to create the state's first game laws and led a grassroots effort to create the Mississippi Game and Fish Commission, founded the museum in 1932. These days, the museum has no shortage of new things to check out. It features multiple nature trails, a 100,000-gallon aquarium network, and a 1,700-square foot greenhouse for children and adults alike to learn and explore.

The museum also has fossil specimens and other permanent exhibits, and often hosts special traveling attractions, such as the Smithsonian Institution Traveling Exhibition Service's "Titanoboa: Monster Snake," which runs Jan. 28 through April 23, and introduces visitors to the largest snake fossil ever found.—LaShanda Phillips

Finalists: The Art Garden at the Mississippi Museum of Art (380 S. Lamar St., 601-960-1515, msmuseumart.org) / Clinton Community Nature Center (617 Dunton Road, Clinton, 601-926-1104, clintonnaturecenter.org) / Flowood Nature Park (4077 Flowood Drive, 601-992-4440, ci.flowood.ms.us) / LeFleur's Bluff State Park (3315 Lakeland Terrace, 601-987-3923, mdwfp.state.ms.us) / Mynelle Gardens (4736 Clinton Blvd., 601-960-1894)

Best Local Podcast: Let's Talk Jackson

letstalkjackson.com

Best of Jackson exists as a way for Jacksonians to praise their favorite parts of their hometown. "Let's Talk Jackson," which people voted as this year's Best Local Podcast, is like the recorded equivalent of that idea.

Since launching the podcast in summer 2015, host Beau York, owner of the Podastery Network and co-founder of the Satchel Podcast Player, and guest hosts Paul Wolf, Chellese Hall, Hunter Camp and Curnis Upkins III have interviewed more than 40 entrepreneurs, artists, and other innovators from the Jackson area and beyond. York also volunteers to teach podcasting to Youth Media Project students.

"There are a lot of very talented people in Jackson and a lot of fun things happening, but Jackson, historically, doesn't get the credit it deserves in terms of those that are here, that have planted a flag and are staying, working to do some amazing things," York says.

"Let's Talk Jackson" recently launched its fourth season, which includes interviews with reporter Bracey Harris and hip-hop artist 5th Child.—Micah Smith

Finalists: Comprehensive Beatdown (twitter.com/compbeatdown) / Country Squire Radio (countrysquireradio.com) / The Roguish Gent (soundcloud.com/cce-
productions) / Token Talk (soundcloud.com/tokentalk)

See also:

People

Nightlife & Music

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